Global Asia

Indonesia Must Lead in the Indo-pacific Region

- By Beginda Pakpahan

Indonesia and other asean states could play a key role in mitigating Us-china rivalry.

Despite its reputation as an often useless talking shop, the Associatio­n of Southeast Asian Nations has, in fact, been central to the creation of a number of significan­t initiative­s aimed at regional integratio­n, drawing in other Asian countries and the United States. As its largest member, Indonesia has played a central role in ASEAN diplomacy. With a renewed focus on the concept of an Indo-pacific region, Indonesia and its fellow ASEAN members could play an important role in mitigating growing great power rivalry between China and the US, writes Beginda Pakpahan.

the notion OF the Indo-pacific region has experience­d a contempora­ry revival and is now mentioned frequently in the capitals of the associatio­n of southeast asian nations (asean) and elsewhere. In its simplest terms, the Indo-pacific region covers the Pacific and Indian oceans. In recent years, China has introduced and promoted its Belt and road Initiative (BRI) as a grand infrastruc­ture project spanning these same oceans. the United states, Japan, India and australia, meanwhile, have revived the Quadrilate­ral security Dialogue as a coalition that could pose a challenge to China’s rise in the Indo-pacific region. In this essay, I focus on two crucial questions: First, what are the main positions of the parties in the Indo-pacific region? Second, what are Indonesia’s views about preserving and strengthen­ing a peaceful and stable Indo-pacific region?

defining the indo-pacific region

the contempora­ry use of the term Indo-pacific refers to an interlinke­d and interconne­cted region between the asia-pacific, south asia and africa. In 2007, Japanese Prime minister shinzo abe first promoted Japan’s policy on the Indopacifi­c region on a visit to India. He encouraged new Delhi to work together with tokyo in the Pacific and Indian oceans to achieve a free and open Indo-pacific.

In 2008, the Chinese navy first conducted antipiracy patrols in the Indo-pacific region. and in 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the Beijing-led Belt and road Initiative, with a total value of around $124 billion, which is mainly aimed at promoting major infrastruc­ture

projects for countries in the Indo-pacific region and stretches as far as africa and europe. elsewhere, China and Djibouti in 2017 agreed to the establishm­ent of a Chinese naval base there, Beijing’s first foreign military installati­on. and finally, China and Pakistan this year agreed to the establishm­ent of a collective naval port in Gwadar, Pakistan (smith, 2018).

China has also funded infrastruc­ture projects in several countries across the Indian Ocean, such as seaports in Colombo and Hambantota, sri lanka. In addition, Beijing recently deepened its economic cooperatio­n with the maldives by signing a free trade agreement and acquiring land for a Chinese trading post in the Indian Ocean (mourdokout­as, 2018).

For its part, India is carefully monitoring the presence of China in the Indian Ocean because of economic and geopolitic­al factors. On the economic front, India does not want to be flooded by Chinese goods, which could come from the maldives, which has free trade agreements with both India and China. On the geopolitic­al front, India is wary of China’s actions in the Indian Ocean, because Beijing could transform its seaports in sri lanka and the maldives into military posts (mourdokout­as, 2018).

In order to respond to these developmen­ts, Us President Donald trump in november 2017 persuaded Japan, australia and India to establish the Quadrilate­ral security Dialogue, which is aimed at creating a “Free and Open Indo-pacific” (Financial express, 2017). the four countries later agreed to establish a joint regional infrastruc­ture project for the region in February 2018 (reuters, 2018). Previously, Japan released its new overseas developmen­t assistance (ODA) policy, which will support high quality infrastruc­ture projects in the Indo-pacific region. a free and open Indo-pacific strategy is one of the priority policies for developmen­t cooperatio­n at

I argue that Indonesia must preserve its free and active foreign policy at the center of major power co-operation and competitio­n.

Indonesia and ASEAN should employ an axis of symmetrica­l interests by managing its relations with external partners in the Pacific and Indian oceans.

Japan’s ministry of Foreign affairs (2017). Japan and australia view their joint regional infrastruc­ture projects as an alternativ­e to China’s BRI (reuters, 2018). In sum, the Quadrilate­ral coalition has created an alternativ­e to the BRI for the Indo-pacific region.

However, there are various free and open Indopacifi­c strategies that have been promoted by Japan and the Us as the main players at the Quadrilate­ral security Dialogue. Japanese Foreign minister taro Kono, in a speech at Columbia University on sept. 21, 2017, promoted Japan’s concept of a free and open Indo-pacific, which would link africa, asia and north america into an interconne­cted region. He further argued that Japan, the Us, India and australia wanted to develop a free and open maritime order based on the rule

of law in order to spur economic developmen­t and strengthen connectivi­ty by developing and improving infrastruc­ture from seaports to roads in countries around the region (Hosoya, 2018).

On Jan. 22, 2018, the foreign minister explained to Japanese lawmakers that the Indopacifi­c region is crucial for world developmen­t because more than half of the planet’s population live in the region. From Japan’s perspectiv­e, a free and open maritime order in the Indo-pacific region must be preserved and strengthen­ed by all countries, because it will create a stable and prosperous region. yuichi Hosoya, a professor of internatio­nal politics at Keio University, has distilled Foreign minister Kono’s arguments into the three foundation­s of Japan’s free and open Indopacifi­c strategy as follows: freedom of navigation and the rule of law; connectivi­ty; and capacity building (Hosoya, 2018).

more specifical­ly, in a lecture at the Centre for strategic and Internatio­nal studies in Jakarta on march 21, mie Oba, a professor at tokyo University of science, argued that Japan’s policy on the Indo-pacific consists of the following components: improving strategic connection­s among major powers (the Us, Japan, India and australia); making economic developmen­t and connectivi­ty among countries in the Pacific and Indian oceans a priority; and preserving a rulesbased order in the region based on internatio­nal norms and values (Oba, 2018).

From the perspectiv­e of the Us, alex n. Wong, deputy assistant secretary at the Us state Department’s Bureau of east asian and Pacific affairs, described the Us strategy for a free and open Indo-pacific at a special briefing on april 2, 2018. He argued that all nations in the region should be free from coercion from any parties. they should be able to select their respective paths in a sovereign manner, and should consider themselves free in terms of transparen­cy, good gov-

Indonesia’s Indo-pacific framework should make Indonesia and ASEAN an axis of co-operation based on symmetrica­l interests within the region.

Indonesia, with its fellow ASEAN members, can preserve peace and security and establish a prosperous region in the Pacific and Indian oceans.

ernance and fundamenta­l rights. moreover, he said, the Us believes in open sea lines and airways, open logistics and infrastruc­ture and open trade and investment in order to support economic growth and foster developmen­t in the Indo-pacific region. the Us has thus expanded its terminolog­y for referring to the region from the asia Pacific to the Indo-pacific, first because India plays an important role in south and east asia and the Pacific region, and second, because the Us sees India as an influentia­l player in safeguardi­ng its interests in the Indo-pacific region (Us Department of state, 2018).

In a speech at a Us Chamber of Commerce Indo-pacific Business Forum in Washington DC on July 30, Us secretary of state mike Pompeo argued that the United states would build part-

nerships with countries in the Indo-pacific region and would not dominate the region. It would establish mutual co-operation with countries in a free and open Indo-pacific. He further elaborated that the Us would invest Us$113 million in various areas of co-operation for countries around the Indo-pacific region, such as energy, digital economy, cybersecur­ity and infrastruc­ture projects (mccarthy, 2018).

the situation above demonstrat­es that relations between China and the Quadrilate­ral coalition are both cooperativ­e and competitiv­e. On one side, there is major power competitio­n in the Indo-pacific region. the Quadrilate­ral coalition challenges China’s sphere of influence in the Pacific and Indian oceans. On the other side, the Quadrilate­ral coalition will be an alternativ­e for regional infrastruc­ture projects in the region. add to this the trade war between the Us and China, where both sides are slapping tariffs on imports from the other (BBC, 2018), and the atmosphere of competitio­n is evident. there is also a trust deficit and unstable ties among countries in the Indo-pacific region. all in all, major power competitio­n in the Indo-pacific region could intentiona­lly, or accidental­ly, lead to a war, if not properly contained.

as a result, the Indo-pacific region has become a crucial focus of academic and public discourse in asean capitals. In Jakarta, policymake­rs, internatio­nal relations experts and even journalist­s have piled into the debate. the next question: what is Indonesia’s position on the Indopacifi­c region?

indonesia and asean’s role in the indo-pacific region

at a conference on Indonesia by the Center for strategic and Internatio­nal studies in Washington on may 16, 2013, former Indonesian Foreign minister marty natalegawa (2013) elaborated on his views of the Indo-pacific region. He proposed an Indo-pacific-wide treaty of friendship and cooperatio­n that incorporat­ed commitment­s to build confidence, solve disputes peacefully and promote a security concept as a collective good.

Five years later, current Indonesian President Joko Widodo and Foreign minister retno marsudi proposed an Indo-pacific framework at the asean-india summit in January 2018 and the australia-asean summit in march 2018. I argue that Indonesia must preserve its free and active foreign policy at the center of major power cooperatio­n and competitio­n. this means that Indonesia and asean should employ what I call an axis of symmetrica­l interests, by managing its relations with external partners in the Pacific and Indian oceans. as I previously argued in an article in the east asia Forum in 2012, Indonesia and “asean may use the axis of symmetrica­l interests, by balancing regional and global interests when negotiatin­g with and relating to external parties. regional organizati­ons such as asean can serve as a focal point for inter-regional cooperatio­n based on mutual benefits. asean can strengthen its position as a regional stabilizer between the southeast and the east asian regions in order to create balance and synergy among actors — including the Us and China. asean can help drive regional forums such as the arf [asean regional Forum] and the eas [east asia summit] in order to develop dependabil­ity of action within the political and economic cooperatio­n between asean and its external partners.”

Consequent­ly, Indonesia’s Indo-pacific framework should make Indonesia and asean an axis of cooperatio­n based on symmetrica­l interests within the region. Indonesia, together with its fellow asean members, can preserve peace and security and establish a prosperous region in the Pacific and Indian oceans through positive and inclusive cooperatio­n. additional­ly, asean

should preserve its unity and centrality to politico-security cooperatio­n and economic partnershi­ps within the Indo-pacific region through the east asia summit (eas) and possibly other asean-led mechanisms. Indonesia can offer confidence-building measures and mutual cooperatio­n as well as improve consultati­on and dialogue in the evolving regional architectu­re in the Pacific and Indian oceans (marsudi, 2018).

In practice, Indonesia and asean propose bilateral and plurilater­al cooperatio­n. these include, among others, the asean-indian Ocean rim associatio­n (Iora) and asean-led initiative­s such as the eas and arf, as modes of engagement among relevant actors to preserve peace and stability in the Pacific and Indian oceans. these cooperativ­e mechanisms are built on a consensus-based approach, a respect for sovereignt­y, economic prosperity and the principle of non-interventi­on in the affairs of other countries. these mechanisms would bring many advantages to all countries in the Indo-pacific region (Purwanto, 2018).

Indonesia and asean should take into account several elements in the establishm­ent of a regional architectu­re: first, preserving a peaceful and stable situation for all countries to develop their economies; second, decreasing the potential competitio­n and de-escalating tensions among big powers in the Indo-pacific region; third, creating prosperity and reducing developmen­t gaps; fourth, employing consultati­on and dialogue as modes of engagement to establish partnershi­ps and find solutions to disputes among countries in the region; and fifth, promoting the rule of law and good governance (marsudi, 2018).

there will be crucial challenges for Indonesia and asean in seeking to establish and manage an Indo-pacific framework:

to ensure Indonesia and asean member states preserve asean’s position in the driver’s seat of the Indo-pacific framework. Indonesia should persuade, through diplomacy, all asean member states to stand together on the importance of asean’s centrality and cohesion in asean’s diplomatic actions when it manages major power rivalry and major power hegemonic ambitions in the Indo-pacific region. this will positively support and improve asean’s position as a regional stabilizer in the Indo-pacific region.

to enlarge the coverage of the treaty of amity and Cooperatio­n in southeast asia to all countries in the Indo-pacific region. Indonesia and asean can encourage the effective implementa­tion of the declaratio­n of the eas on the Principles for mutually Beneficial relations as guiding principles for inter-state relationsh­ips in the Indo-pacific, as proposed earlier by natalegawa (2013 and asean secretaria­t, 2011). the treaty of amity and Cooperatio­n has been ratified and applied by Indonesia, other asean member states and all of asean’s external partners to preserve peace and a stable southeast asia and to avoid the use of force to resolve conflicts. there is an open possibilit­y to reform any substantiv­e parts of the treaty and the declaratio­n, or incorporat­e them into new regional norms, when there is a need to respond to emerging situations.

to have a common vision on, and to manage, collective agendas that are accepted by all parties in the Indo-pacific region. Indonesia and asean could develop a rules-based regional architectu­re that could be worked on together and accepted by all countries in the region, such as countries enforcing maritime laws and regulation­s that are adopted in accordance with the United nations Convention on the law of the seas in the Pacific and Indian oceans

to empower existing regional forums to intensify substantiv­e dialogue, implementi­ng practical cooperatio­n on maritime, security and economic developmen­t issues and building confidence

among asean members and all countries in the Indo-pacific region. Possible areas of cooperatio­n among countries in the region are regional connectivi­ty, infrastruc­ture developmen­t, maritime safety, environmen­tal protection, disaster management and combating transnatio­nal crimes (for example, terrorism; illegal, unreported and unregulate­d fishing; and illicit drugs).

to create an effective consensus-based approach in order to manage the length of negotiatio­ns in an effective and proper way. In addition, the Indo-pacific framework should have effective mechanisms to de-escalate conflicts and to find peaceful solutions to potential disputes.

to avoid overlappin­g frameworks of regional and sub-regional initiative­s in the Pacific and Indian Oceans by establishi­ng a coherent structure for mutual support among different initiative­s. the empowermen­t of existing regional initiative­s could be done by Indonesia and asean. a coordinate­d network of bilateral cooperatio­n, asean-led mechanisms and regional initiative­s outside asean should be proposed and developed by Indonesia and asean through an efficient, flexible and effective institutio­nal connectivi­ty among relevant regional initiative­s (for example, the eas, asean meetings, and arf in conjunctio­n with Iora summits). the network could possibly coordinate shared agendas based on common interests in asean and the Indopacifi­c region to be discussed, agreed and implemente­d by these interconne­cted forums.

Beginda pakpahan is the author of “indonesia, asean & uncertaint­y of internatio­nal relations” (kompas book publisher, 2018), and a political and economic analyst on global affairs at the university of indonesia in jakarta. he holds a phd in politics and internatio­nal relations from the university of Edinburgh, uk.

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