From March to November 2017, Gallup conducted an annual worldwide opinion poll on the leadership of the United States. Some like the direction the U.S. is heading, some don’t, but in four of the 134 countries surveyed the U.S. approval rating rose by a wh
That Israel was included attests to how starkly U.S.-Israel relations have changed under the administration of Donald Trump. Before he became president, bilateral ties seemed on the verge of collapse. In 2015, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Washington to lambast President Barack Obama in front of the U.S. Congress, practically begging the government not to move forward with the Iran nuclear deal – a plea that ultimately fell on deaf ears.
In March 2018, Netanyahu visited Washington again, but instead of criticising the sitting president, he compared him to a modern-day Cyrus the Great – the Persian king who allowed the Israelites to return to their homeland to rebuild their temple, ending the Babylonian exile. Netanyahu is a student of history. His father was a history professor. So when he compares Trump to one of the most important gentiles in Jewish history, he means it.
Netanyahu’s disposition toward the Trump administration is no personal quirk – an important distinction for a characteristically quirky person who once requested nearly $3,000 in the government budget for his personal ice cream needs. He speaks for the majority of Israelis, among whom Trump’s approval rating has hovered around 70%, according to a poll conducted by Haaretz. (For perspective, his approval rating among his own citizens is around 40%.) In June 2018, an American Jewish Committee survey found that 77% of Israelis approved of the way Trump has handled U.S.-Israel relations.
This is hardly surprising. From Israel’s perspective, there is much to approve of. Trump’s first trip abroad as president was to Israel, where he became the first U.S. president to visit the Western Wall. Trump recognised Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and moved the U.S. Embassy there, seemingly apathetic to the chorus of regional and global dissent. Under Trump, the U.S. has canceled its funding for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency on the grounds that it disproportionately supports the Palestinian territories. Gone also is some $200 mln of U.S. aid for the Gaza Strip.
And these were just the symbolic gestures. The more meaningful policy is the return of agency to Israeli foreign policy, or at least the appearance of it. Trump has already secured what Netanyahu could not: termination of the Iran nuclear deal. Netanyahu, who is poised to become the longest-serving prime minister in Israeli history, staked his political career on being the politician best equipped to battle Iran and its stated desire to destroy Israel. But he was powerless to stop the U.S. from agreeing to the Iran nuclear deal. He was powerless against Obama, who basically forced him to apologise to Turkey in 2013 for the Mavi Marmara incident of 2010. And he was powerless when the U.S. abstained to vote against a U.N. censure on Israeli settlements in the West Bank. For eight years, Netanyahu seemed impotent. Trump gave him back his chutzpah.
Since 1967, the most important job of any Israeli leader has been to secure U.S.-Israel relations. The world tends to forget that Israel and the U.S. were not always such close allies. Israel would likely not have survived its 1948 war for independence had the Soviets not sold Israel weapons on the black market via Czechoslovakia. And had it not been for the support of France, Israel would not have developed nuclear weapons, nor any of the military technology that allowed it to prevail in the wars with its Arab neighbors in 1967 and 1973. It was only at the height of the Cold War, and under the strategic machinations of Henry Kissinger, that Israel became such a close U.S. ally. (And even then, the relationship was not without its challenges. The accidental Israeli bombing of the USS Liberty in 1967 could have irrevocably poisoned bilateral relations. The first Bush administration was tougher on Israel when it came to the Palestinians than perhaps any other U.S. presidency, including Obama’s.)
Back then, the U.S. had clearly defined interests in the Middle East. Most important was containing the Soviet Union, the altar before which all U.S. policies had to bow during the Cold War. The United States also needed Middle Eastern oil. Led by Saudi Arabia, OPEC produced almost 55% of the world’s oil in 1973. The U.S. had to be sure the oil kept pumping, and it had to keep open the sea lanes by which the oil was shipped to its shores. This meant that trade through the Suez Canal had to be maintained – which explains why the U.S. could not allow the United Kingdom to retake control of it in 1956 any more than it could allow the Egyptian government, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser and supported by Moscow, to block the canal whenever it wanted.
Israel performed its duties in the Cold War alliance