of the sanctions committee. “Nor should one pursue its own political gains in the name of counterterrorism,” he added pointedly.
China’s backing is not only excusing Pakistani inaction but also damaging a core India concern, says Ashok Kantha, India’s ambassador to China until January 2016, and now a Distinguished Fellow at the Vivekananda International Foundation. “China’s diplomatic protection,” he says, “is encouraging Pakistan to adopt a more irresponsible attitude, including on issues of direct interest to us such as terrorism.” Beijing, however, sees it differently. If it sees Pakistan coming under “undue pressure”, they will “have Pakistan’s back”, says Andrew Small, a ChinaPakistan expert at the German Marshall Fund. The recent incidents have strained the already complex IndiaChina relationship, which has always required a delicate balance of cooperation and competition. Both sides have managed to keep the boundary dispute largely under control, stepping up engagement across the Line of Actual Control (LAC) which hasn’t seen a single shot fired in more than two decades. In fact, they are even moving to broaden engagement along the contested border. Earlier this year, both militaries for the first time held relief drills in the sensitive region of eastern Ladakh along the LAC. In midNovember, Pune will host a sixth edition of counterterrorism exercises between the armies.
Notwithstanding calls on India’s social media to boycott cheap Chinese goods, trade and investment are growing, and Prime Minister Modi is aggressively courting Chinese investment in railways, manufacturing and smart cities. Officials point out that investment from China this year alone was double paltry $400 million India received from the country in the past decade.
But what is evident is that the reemergence of Pakistan as a major