On society’s fringes, disabled Tatmadaw veterans languish in poverty
BY 1999, U Sein Kyaw Win had already survived 24 years of service as a foot soldier in the Myanmar army’s long war against ethnic armed groups, but during a deployment in Kayin State his luck ran out.
A landmine blew up near him, and he lost his sight in the explosion.
After recovering from his wounds, the military kept him on for small chores at a base for another eight years. But when he retired, he found that the army’s support provided for his particular disability was negligible.
“Former soldiers get compensation only if they lost limbs. So I did not get that as I lost my eyesight,” he said, adding that those who lost a limb receive an allowance of about K100,000 (US$80) per month, while he receives K12,000.
“I felt upset. This is such a tiny amount for sacrificing my eyes,” said U Sein Kyaw Win, a former sergeant in his 50s, adding that his disability allowance barely added to his meagre K90,000 pension.
These pension and disability support rates are, nonetheless, still triple what they were before then-president U Thein Sein’s government began strengthening social programs.
Since 2009, U Sein Kyaw Win has been living in Thudhammawaddy ward, where he and about 60 other disabled veterans and their families have been given small houses in an army-built community on the edge of Thaton town, Mon State.
There are believed to be dozens of such settlements across the country, though the secretive military has released no information about its support measures for maimed veterans, nor has it ever released figures on the number of soldiers injured or killed during nearly 70 years of civil war.
Disabled vets fall into poverty Many veterans in Thaton said they are grateful for the free housing, but all spoke of the hardships they go through as they lack job opportunities and ways of finding extra income.
U Win Htay, a retired sergeant who lost a leg to a landmine in Kayin State in 1999, said every day he goes to collect discarded plastic bottles along the Yangon-Hpa-an highway, which runs through Thaton.
“My ailing wife has no paid job. So I have to consider where I should go to collect empty bottles. I have no regular income; I earn between K1500 and K2000 each day,” he said.
Most veterans said their children have become migrant workers in neighbouring Thailand, providing important financial support.
A military spokesperson contacted by Myanmar Now declined to answer questions about support programs for injured veterans.
According to U Thant Zin, chair of Peace Myanmar Aid, a small NGO that helps landmine victims in the army and in villages in Bago Region, injured soldiers are usually kept in service by the military, which tries to put them in administrative jobs or other supportive roles.
But this depends on their levels of education and the severity of their disabilities, with injured officers faring better the higher their education, said U Thant Zin, a retired lieutenant colonel who lost a leg to a landmine in 1991.
Ordinary disabled soldiers often struggled to survive. “The income for disabled rank-and-file soldiers is so low that they would rather go to the cities and some end up as beggars on the streets,” U Thant Zin said.
A representative of a veterans’ organisation told Reuters in June that it had some 250,000 members, around 10,000 of whom were disabled.
Though disabled soldiers lack support and many linger in poverty, government policies still offer them far more benefits than civil servants or ordinary civilians who become disabled through conflict or accidents, noted the Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor in 2015. Officers get better support The military provides vastly different levels of care for officers who retire or are injured than for low-ranking soldiers, according to U Kyaw Zeya, a retired lieutenant colonel and now a Yangon Region lawmaker for the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Many of the retired or injured officers, he said, were given administrative jobs in the army’s vast business holdings, adding that after he retired in 2011 he worked as a shares management director at Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (MEHL) until 2013.
He said disabled veterans’ free housing quarters and villages were often located in remote areas where there are no jobs, and also lacked basic amenities such as running water and electricity.
“I feel like the military should spend enough on disability funds for these veteran soldiers. More financial support should be allocated from the budget of the Ministry of Defence,” U Kyaw Zeya said, before adding that the NLD has no way of reviewing the defence ministry budget as it remains under military control.
According to a 2014 International Crisis Group briefing, revenues from army-owned conglomerates like MEHL largely go toward the military’s pension fund and its shareholders, who are mostly retired senior military officers.
Under the rule of the military junta,
‘Since I lost my eyesight, I’m now totally dependent on others. So if it’s possible, I would like the army or the government to consider improving the welfare of disabled soldiers.’
U Sein Kyaw Win Disabled veteran
MEHL and other military-owned firms controlled huge swathes of the economy through monopolies on products such as tobacco and alcohol and on the rice trade and imports of vehicles. Though these business privileges have been greatly reduced during the democratic transition, the army retains huge but unknown revenues from its conglomerates.
U Sein Kyaw Win said the veterans at Thudhammawaddy ward had paid a heavy price for their service and needed more support.
“Since I lost my eyesight, I’m now totally dependent on others. So if it’s possible, I would like the army or the government to consider improving the welfare of disabled soldiers like me. It’s difficult to support a family with these small pensions,” he said.
– Myanmar Now
Disabled veterans U Sein Kyaw Win (right), U Aung Kyi (centre) and U Win Htay sit in an army-built community called Thudhammawaddy ward in Thaton, Mon State.