Prov­inces and fed­eral par­lia­ment struc­ture

People's Review - - FRONT PAGE - By Our Re­porter

In seven prov­ince par­lia­ments, a to­tal of 330 di­rectly elected MPs and a to­tal of 220 MPs will be elected through the pro­por­tional sys­tem. In Fed­eral Par­lia­ment, there will be 165 di­rectly elected MPs and 110 MPs will be elected through pro­por­tional elec­tions. The to­tal strength of the fed­eral par­lia­ment will be 165 plus 110 or 275 mem­bers of par­lia­ment. Be­sides, there will be na­tional as­sem­bly [Up­per House] of 59 MPs. In this re­gard, the up­com­ing elec­tions are go­ing to elect a to­tal of 825 peo­ple's rep­re­sen­ta­tives for both f ed­eral par­lia­ment and pro­vin­cial par­lia­ment. Prov­ince wise elec­tion: From No 1 prov­ince, 28 fed­eral par­lia­ment mem­bers and 56 Proven­cal par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected. In No 2 Prov­ince, 32 fed­eral par­lia­ment mem­bers and 64 Proven­cal par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected. From No 3 prov­ince, 33 fed­eral par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected and 66 Proven­cal par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected. From No 4 Prov­ince, 17 fed­eral par­lia­ment mem­bers and 34 Proven­cal par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected. From No 5 Prov­ince, 27 fed­eral par­lia­ment mem­bers and 54 proven­cial par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected. From No 6 prov­ince, 12 fed­eral par­lia­ment mem­bers and 24 proven­cial par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected. From No 7 prov­ince, 16 fed­eral par­lia­ment mem­bers and 32 proven­cial par­lia­ment mem­bers will be elected.

If you are still strug­gling to re­cover from the sheer sud­den­ness of the leftist al­liance forged over Da­sain, the spec­ta­cle across the po­lit­i­cal spec­trum since should help to cheer you up. Com­mu­nist Party of Nepal (Maoist Cen­tre) chair­man Pushpa Ka­mal Da­hal has ad­vised the Nepali Congress to re­turn to the doc­trine of B.P. Koirala, in­stead of hyp­ing the threat posed by the united reds. (Does that in­clude B.P.'s Two Necks in a Noose the­ory, too, Com­rade?) Me­dia per­son­al­ity Ko­mal Oli, who ditched the right-wing Ras­triya Pra­jatantra Party (RPP) to join the Com­mu­nist Party of Nepal Uni­fied Marx­ist-Lenin­ist (UML), ended up fil­ing as an in­de­pen­dent can­di­date in a Dang con­stituency. Al­though Oli with­drew her nom­i­na­tion in fa­vor of the of­fi­cial leftist al­liance, it was only af­ter weigh­ing her chances with Khum Ba­hadur Khadka of the Nepali Congress. Khadka, we are told, op­poses the of­fi­cial Nepali Congress can­di­date. And the of­fi­cial UML can­di­date – rep­re­sent­ing the leftist al­liance – is a for­mer RPP man. (If Oli was re­luc­tant to take on to­gether the es­tab­lish­ments of the two prin­ci­pal po­lit­i­cal for­ma­tions, can you re­ally blame her?) In Chit­wan, Devi Gyawali, the UML can­di­date for mayor who suc­cumbed to Da­hal's daugh­ter, Renu, in Bharat­pur's may­oral elec­tion, af­ter hav­ing cre­ated a near-con­sti­tu­tional crisis over torn bal­lots, has de­cided to sup­port Da­hal's cam­paign in the district. The RPP (Demo­cratic)'s Bikram Pandey an­nounced with much fan­fare that he would chal­lenge the Maoist chair­man. But Pandey has since lost his party's district pres­i­dent, who de­fected to the Maoist Cen­tre. The RPP-Nepal is still in the Nepali Congress-led al­liance ex­cept in Jhapa-3 where Ra­jen­dra Ling­den has gar­nered the sup­port of the leftist front. In the end, Kr­ishna Prasad Si­taula had to be given the Nepali Congress ticket there be­cause he felt the eas­ier pro­por­tional- rep­re­sen­ta­tion route to par­lia­ment was a put­down. And speak­ing of the PR list, Ganga Chaud­hary Sat­gauwa is on the lists of both the UML and Naya Shakti. Nepali Congress leader Govinda Raj Joshi prob­a­bly does not have enough time to make much of a dent af­ter the Elec­tion Com­mis­sion an­nulled his can­di­dacy as an in­de­pen­dent. But he will surely try to sab­o­tage party vice-chair­man Ram Chan­dra Poudel, the of­fi­cial Nepali Congress can­di­date. That race mer­its watch­ing, es­pe­cially con­sid­er­ing that Joshi's heft of­ten helped Poudel win elec­tions in the past. Too many things are hap­pen­ing at the same time on the Mad­hesi front. But if there is one ques­tion you can ask, it is this: did the coun­try have to un­dergo such a mas­sive re­gion­al­iza­tion of na­tional pol­i­tics to re­group districts the pan­chas had al­ready or­ga­nized into five sub­re­gions into pal­try seven? Granted, the pro­vin­cial and lo­cal struc­tures are yet to prove their worth and the pit­falls iden­ti­fied therein might turn out to be no more than mi­nor in­con­ve­niences. But did we have to see the di­vi­sions in that part of the coun­try in all their raw­ness for an ex­tra two sub­re­gions? Maybe we did. With­out the Mad­hesi and jan­jati move­ments, af­ter all, fed­er­al­ism might still have been an as­pi­ra­tional at­tribute in our midst. If all this could serve to clar­ify Nepal's new­ness even a shade or two more, the spec­ta­cle will cer­tainly have been worth see­ing.


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