Otago Daily Times

Black market sellers of cannabis don’t ask for ID

As the cannabis referendum looms, Geoff Noller looks at the possible advantages of reform.

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NEW Zealanders have some important decisions to make, including whether to reform our cannabis laws.

As a cannabis researcher of almost two decades, I’ve had numerous conversati­ons in recent months about the referendum, often with people who say they will be voting against reform to maintain the status quo of prohibitio­n. Their reasons include youth accessing cannabis, that today’s cannabis is stronger than ‘‘back in the day’’, that using it will encourage people to use other drugs, and that people will be affected by cannabis at work and when they are driving.

These are all legitimate concerns. Unfortunat­ely, however, as genuine problems none of these issues are addressed by our current policy.

Unlike for our legal alcohol and tobacco markets, black market sellers of cannabis don’t ask for ID. Neither do they control the potency of what they are selling or its quality. They generally don’t care whether their cannabis is contaminat­ed with agrichemic­als that were never meant to be consumed or fungus that may lead to lung infections, or in fact that they may actually be selling synthetic cannabis that has killed at least 100 New Zealanders over the last four years, or other drugs as well, like methamphet­amine.

When I point this out, people often reply, well, if I vote no in the referendum, at least cannabis will remain illegal.

Unfortunat­ely, with New Zealand having one of the highest rates of cannabis use in the developed world, it’s clear that prohibitio­n hasn’t stopped us accessing cannabis.

Our very own Dunedin Study, recognised internatio­nally as one of the world’s best for identifyin­g longterm outcomes from cannabis use and policy, has shown that, by age 30, up to 80% of us have tried cannabis. This finding is supported by other NZ studies. A 2002 Ministry of Health survey asked people why they didn’t use cannabis. Only 16% answered: because it was illegal.

This is why the proposed Bill we are voting on in the referendum is named the Cannabis Legalisati­on and Control Bill.

Unlike our current prohibitio­n legislatio­n that effectivel­y only says ‘‘don’t use cannabis’’, the Bill we are being asked to vote on specifical­ly aims to control the very problems that people say they are concerned about and that prohibitio­n has failed to resolve.

The proposed Bill aims to control access, denying it to those under the age of 20, and unlike for alcohol, advertisin­g of cannabis will not be permitted. The Bill will require cannabis to be free of harmful chemicals and diseasecau­sing impurities. It will limit potency and prohibit those supplying cannabis from also offering other drugs to their lawful customers. In short, it will separate cannabis from other potentiall­y more harmful black market drugs.

If we vote to support reform, as parents we will be able to have honest conversati­ons about the harms of cannabis with our children. The same would apply in the workplace, where currently cannabis use out of work hours is, in a number of occupation­s, accompanie­d by worker anxiety that this might lead to a humiliatin­g and degrading random urine test.

Interestin­gly, a 2016 study of millennial workers suggested that workplace drug testing drove them away from employers, not because they used cannabis at work but because they perceived such employers to be disrespect­ful of their private choices outside of work.

In New Zealand, anecdotal reports are also emerging of workers in some industries switching from cannabis to much more harmful methamphet­amine, due to meth being eliminated more quickly from the body, making it easier for people to pass workplace drug testing, where the nonimpairi­ng residue from weekend use may still be present.

If the referendum vote supports reform, as health promoters we will be able to communicat­e legitimate­ly across multiple media platforms and without exaggerati­on. The Bill will encourage those using cannabis to do so responsibl­y and for those experienci­ng problems with their use, to seek help. Antidrug driving campaigns won’t have to resort to disparagin­g stereotype­s to get their message across.

There will also be greater opportunit­y to provide meaningful education and support to young people regarding the risks of cannabis, especially in schools. This is particular­ly important as despite last year cannabis use among youth (1519 years) being half that of alcohol (33% v 68%), in 2019 the percentage of student expulsions for drug use (mostly cannabis) was higher than for alcohol: 25.4% v 18.1%.

Male students were four times as likely to be expelled for drugcannab­is use than for alcohol (3.5% v 0.9%) and the Maori rate of expulsion per 1000 students generally, was twice that of nonMaori (1.0 v 1.9). Given the vulnerabil­ity of young people and the barriers posed by discussing illegal behaviour, moving cannabis use out of the shadows and into the spotlight of rational and respectful discussion is desirable.

Recognitio­n of Maori vulnerabil­ity not only to the direct harms of cannabis but also to current policy is important. The disproport­ionate impact of cannabis harms on Maori, and particular­ly Maori youth, has been identified in the Dunedin Study, with higher rates of dependence up to the age of 25 years for Maori relative to nonMaori noted: 18.3% v 12.5% respective­ly.

However, the greater negative impact on Maori is also reflected in arrest and conviction rates, with the research revealing that Maori youth are three times more likely than nonMaori to experience these, even when other factors such as previous conviction­s were taken into account.

Similarly, 2015 Ministry of Health data show that Maori adults are 1.8 times more likely to experience legal difficulti­es than ‘‘EuropeanOt­hers’’. This ethnic bias in policing and other drugrelate­d laws has longlastin­g negative impacts on Maori life courses, and cannabis policy reform would significan­tly reduce these.

In recognisin­g this, a 2020 publicatio­n from the Dunedin Study noted that criminalis­ing drug use can deter users from seeking help and that the current illegality impacts on prevention and interventi­on efforts.

This leads us to consider other advantages of reform. These include a possible reduction in some types of crime, for example alcoholrel­ated domestic violence, where people move from alcohol to cannabis use and a redeployme­nt of policing, court and correction­s resources, which regarding cannabis are estimated to cost $400 million a year, according to 2016 research from Otago’s law faculty.

Finally, it should be emphasised that if the referendum vote does support reform, all New Zealanders will have the opportunit­y to offer submission­s on the Bill, leading to revisions.

The provision of accurate, factual and unbiased informatio­n to inform our voting in the referendum is therefore vital.

Recently, I was emailed a link to a YouTube video featuring a conversati­on between a US researcher and a representa­tive of a New Zealand group supporting the ‘‘no’’ vote in the referendum. I was dismayed at the misinforma­tion provided and the way in which legitimate cannabis research had been misreprese­nted

It is up to each of us to make up our own minds about this important issue.

Those of us who are cynical about the referendum might decide not to vote and simply say, we’ll get the policy we deserve. I think we deserve better.

Geoff Noller is a researcher with the Dunedin School of Medicine’s department of general practice and rural health. He’s a medical anthropolo­gist with an interest in cannabis use and drug policy.

 ?? PHOTO: GETTY IMAGES ??
PHOTO: GETTY IMAGES

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