God’s own spe­cial gift ...

Pakistan Observer - - IN­TER­NA­TIONAL -

a task which is nor­mally at­tended to by Sar­taj, Fatmi, Aizaz, Nafees or Mus­sadik on Nawaz’s be­half? Or did he de­cide in his own in­fi­nite wisdom to dou­ble as the For­eign Min­is­ter as well?

What was more intriguing was Nisar’s claim on be­half of Pre­mier Nawaz that PM’s re­la­tions with any world leader were above his per­sonal re­la­tions, and that ‘Sushma should not try to por­tray Nawaz-Modi re­la­tions as per­sonal.’ Here too one would like to know if Nawaz had au­tho­rized Nisar to make clear to the world that the na­ture of his re­la­tions with any world leader should never be viewed as per­sonal. But that is get­ting too per­sona, isn’t it?. How does Nisar know the na­ture of PM’s re­la­tions with each and ev­ery world leader and es­pe­cially with one who had at­tended a very pri­vate cer­e­mony of PM’s close fam­ily at his pri­vate res­i­dence?

And now com­ing to the crux of the mat­ter which one thought had made it im­pos­si­ble for Nisar to re­sist the temp­ta­tion of ei­ther play­ing to the gallery or to speak for those who Sushma be­lieves were op­posed to the nor­mal­i­sa­tion of bi­lat­eral ties between In­dia and Pak­istan one won­ders at Nisar’s make­be­lieve naivety. Ev­ery­body and his aun­tie knows on whose be­half the De­fence of Pak­istan Coun­cil led by Ja­mat-Ud-Dawa of Hafiz Saeed op­er­ates and what is its as­sign­ment. Be­ing the In­te­rior Min­is­ter of his coun­try, Nisar per­haps knows this bet­ter than any­body else es­pe­cially bet­ter than the For­eign Min­is­ter of In­dia. So, his ques­tion to Sushma to point out which forces were against good ties between Pak­istan and In­dia ap­pears to be more rhetor­i­cal than any­thing else. And to use his own well worn phrase, it was noth­ing more than po­lit­i­cal point scor­ing on his part.

Though it is not his call as the In­te­rior Min­is­ter but Nisar has very rightly ques­tioned Sushma’s claim that New Delhi was se­ri­ous in nor­mal­is­ing re­la­tions with Islamabad. “If the Indian gov­ern­ment is se­ri­ous, then why it has slammed the door shut on bi­lat­eral talks with Pak­istan,” he added aptly. But then he should have also asked the cre­ators of Ja­mat-Ud-Dawa and Jaish-i-Mo­ham­mad type of groups why they keep dis­rupt­ing the nor­mal­iza­tion pro­cesses by stag­ing in­ci­dents like Mum­bai and the Pathankot.

Again be­ing the in­te­rior min­is­ter he was out of line is­su­ing a rejoinder on some­thing that falls in the do­main of the For­eign Min­is­ter who is none other than the PM him­self, still one would find it im­pos­si­ble not agree with Nisar that Hindu ex­trem­ist groups like RSS, Shiv Sena and Abhinav Bharat are the big­gest hur­dle in the way of nor­mal­i­sa­tion of ties as such groups have in­flu­ence over the BJP-led Indian gov­ern­ment. But sim­i­lar hur­dles fab­ri­cated by an es­tab­lish­ment suf­fer­ing from tun­nel vi­sion also ex­ist in Pak­istan which more than match the Indian ex­trem­ist groups in hos­til­ity.

Nisar per­haps sees him­self as God’s own spe­cial gift to this ill-starred coun­try. And that is per­haps why he does not see any con­tra­dic­tion in his po­si­tion on the is­sue of leak­ing to the me­dia ‘con­fes­sional’ videos of per­sons un­der in­ves­ti­ga­tion for var­i­ous of­fenses. Just a cou­ple of months back he had threat­ened in one of his fre­quent self-right­eous po­lit­i­cal point scor­ing out­bursts to make pub­lic a ‘con­fes­sional’ video of Dr Asim Hus­sain. And now he says he has no knowl­edge about how such videos have been leaked to the me­dia. He had the nerve to pass the buck on to the Sindh gov­ern­ment con­ve­niently hid­ing be­hind the stock ex­cuse that law and or­der was a pro­vin­cial sub­ject. He had the cheek to also ask the Pak­istan Elec­tronic Me­dia Reg­u­la­tory Au­thor­ity (PEMRA) to take puni­tive mea­sures in this re­gard. Puni­tive mea­sures against whom? Speak­ing on the floor of the Na­tional Assem­bly Mon­day last, he said, the is­sue needed to be ad­dressed as it is in­flu­enc­ing ju­di­cial pro­ceed­ings and forc­ing un­due me­dia focus.

On the face of it, it ap­pears as if these videos were leaked by the in­ter­ested quar­ters in or­der per­haps to en­sure that both the PPP and the MQM would re­main on the right side of Im­ran and Qadri come what may when they make their se­cond at­tempt to top­ple the elected gov­ern­ment through street ag­i­ta­tion. Not that Im­ran and Qadri do not have a le­git­i­mate demo­cratic right to ag­i­tate against the gov­ern­ment of the day. The foot drag­ging by the gov­ern­ment both on the ToRs for the pro­posed Ju­di­cial Com­mis­sion for prob­ing Panama pa­pers and the cases of po­lice bru­tal­ity wit­nessed on June 17, 2014 in La­hore in which some 17 peo­ple were killed and 85 or so in­jured make the op­po­si­tion’s case against the gov­ern­ment highly con­vinc­ing.

Per­haps the MQM would switch over to the op­po­si­tion for good if they are of­fered a price they can­not refuse. The case of the PPP is dif­fer­ent. They would like to re­main on the side of the op­po­si­tion until the gen­eral elections in Azad Jammu and Kash­mir where the party is be­ing led by its youth­ful chair­man Bi­lawal. They know suc­cess in AJ&K elections would re­in­force Bi­lawal’s cre­den­tials as his mother’s suc­ces­sor.

Also, the Party would like the ToRs to re­main con­fined to prob­ing only the Panama pa­pers which do not name any one of their lead­ers. If the ToRs are ex­panded to in­clude other cases of stash­ing looted money abroad, the PPP as well as some of prom­i­nent PTI lead­ers would find it im­pos­si­ble to es­cape be­ing named and shamed and there­fore would op­pose the ex­pan­sion tooth and nail. And that more than any­thing else would guar­an­tee that no agree­ment is reached on the ToRs between the gov­ern­ment and the op­po­si­tion which in turn would turn out to be politically dis­as­trous for the PMLN and its chances of win­ning the 2018 elec­tion.

The pow­ers that be are per­haps hop­ing that the street ag­i­ta­tion would end up, by Au­gustSeptem­ber this year, giv­ing rise to a con­sti­tu­tional log­jam cre­at­ing enough space for it to in­ter­vene and re­place the elected set up with the so-called ‘re­formist’ set up of tech­nocrats send­ing all po­lit­i­cal el­e­ments home.

Be­ing a highly am­bi­tious per­son, per­haps Nisar is hop­ing to lead this ‘re­formist’ rul­ing group and that is per­haps why he is help­ing the es­tab­lish­ment to make it im­pos­si­ble for the PPP and MQM to go back to the fold of Par­lia­ment as they did the last time to res­cue the Nawaz gov­ern­ment. Come to think of it, it was Nisar who had made it pos­si­ble for the Im­ranQadri com­bine to reach the red­zone in 2014 dharna ses­sion so quickly and so eas­ily and he had even al­lowed the ag­i­ta­tors to storm the Par­lia­ment build­ing as well as the PM house and the PTV.

At that time one had thought it all hap­pened be­cause of Nisar’s mis­han­dling of the sit­u­a­tion. But when one re­calls the frus­tra­tion that was ev­i­dent from Nisar’s body lan­guage in those days and his provoca­tive en­tan­gle­ment with Aitzaz with­out any rhyme or rea­son one is more than con­vinced that he hd a hand in it some­where and if there is a re­peat, he would once again be work­ing against the demo­cratic forces.

Kenya’s long his­tory of state vi­o­lence meant the mur­der of Ja­cob Juma, who was found dead in his Mercedes with five bul­let holes in his body, was quickly viewed as a po­lit­i­cal as­sas­si­na­tion.—AFP

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Pakistan

© PressReader. All rights reserved.