Grocott's Mail

Choose leaders well

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Good leadership and sound governance are intertwine­d, both contributi­ng to the provision of services in a sustainabl­e manner.

The leadership of the governing party is centrestag­e in any country. In a formal democratic space, individual­s are elevated to leadership positions through structured democratic processes.

The privilege to govern is located within the context of the Constituti­on, which is designed to curb the abuse of power and authority by the state apparatus in particular. Checks and balances are in place against any attempt to govern outside the legislativ­e framework.

This means leaders must be conversant with the legislativ­e terms of their mandate.

Serious attempts by the President to subvert South Africa’s Constituti­on were stymied by the judiciary, yet astounding­ly, the President was left untouched by the governing party.

Imagine, what the man might have done in the absence of constituti­onal democracy. Adversarie­s of this framework perceive the Constituti­on as a hindrance to service delivery.

Within ANC circles, there is a view that favours parliament­ary democracy; however, it’s my view that this could be vulnerable to impunity under the pretext of executing the mandate in line with majoritari­an rule.

ANC veterans and others de- cried the President’s attempts to squeeze the Constituti­on, but their concerns as usual fell on deaf ears. The not-so-young leading the ANC Youth League (Collen Maine) came out guns blazing, rebuking the veterans. A deafening silence on the part of the mother body leadership left many wondering.

A loud, collective chorus continued defending the president using an ageing slogan: “When the President is under attack, the ANC is under attack – kubo!” The latter could be loosely translated, “deal with them” and refers to those with critical, inquiring minds.

Zuma is a microcosm of the organisati­on’s current culture and the leadership should take collective responsibi­lity for deviating from its vision, mission and strategic objectives. The constituti­onal dispensati­on is a product of hard-won struggles.

OR Tambo’s ideas relating to constituti­onalism are embraced in the our Constituti­on. A violation of the Constituti­on by the president of the ANC is the antithesis of the goal for which our forebears sacrificed, peopleship included.

At present, where does the movement’s vision and mission lie? Is branch leadership, sub-regional leadership, regional leadership and provincial leadership and national leadership an embodiment of the ANC’s strategic objectives?

Informatio­n in the public domain suggests otherwise.

Do the current structures of the movement have the ability to deliver thoughtful, ethical, and transforma­tional leader- ship at the elective conference to be held in December 2017?

Current trends point in another direction. Let’s hope divine interventi­on comes in to turn the tide in favour of the voice of reason.

These questions are informed by prevailing circumstan­ces. Almost all the structures of the ANC have aligned themselves with one of two major factional blocs: C17 (Ramaphosa) and NDZ (Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma).

Slates are posted throughout the length and the breadth of the country. Praise singers devoid of political substance have rolled up their sleeves fueling schism in the name of campaignin­g for good leadership. Cadres Forums are used by individual­s behind factional blocs as platforms to profile their preferred candidates.

To have leadership preference based on a good cause is one's right. To have it based on conspiracy theory in order to conceal skeletons in the closest could be another thing.

Leadership campaigns are now in full swing, tensions are running high and levels of mistrust have reached alarming proportion­s as a result of subtle double parking.

South Africa is the most unequal country in the world, according to both the Gini index and Palma ratio, and is characteri­sed by high levels of poverty and unemployme­nt. Within certain municipali­ties’ jurisdicti­ons, the road infrastruc­ture is collapsing, potholes have knock-on effects on motorists, public transport (taxis, buses etc) and business distributi­on channels; dilapidate­d public property is not being looked after; dilapidate­d sewage infrastruc­ture is a health hazard; the refuse collection service leaves much to be desired, the frequency of water and electricit­y outages is disturbing and social infrastruc­ture is lacking. Sustainabl­e plans are not in place to curb the deteriorat­ing situation.

Many municipali­ties, particular­ly in the Eastern Cape, are in a state of paralysis both politicall­y and administra­tively. This is as a result of external political interferen­ce informed by financial interests and has compromise­d institutio­nal governance and the moral authority of those entities.

The appointmen­t of officials lacking the necessary job requisites and the irrational deployment of public repre- sentatives is a result of this interferen­ce.

These entities are on the edge of bankruptcy, a state of affairs making it difficult for them to meet their constituti­onal obligation­s.

Political and socio-economic strife of this nature have the potential to ignite civil unrest.

Most municipali­ties in the Eastern Cape depend on government grants as a result of recurring misdemeano­urs. Government grants ringfenced for local infrastruc­tural developmen­t and other capital requiremen­ts are irregularl­y diverted to meet operationa­l costs such as salaries and wages.

Due to large-scale misdemeano­urs, the national government struggles to meet its national developmen­tal mandate. It is indebted to global financial institutio­ns due to over-borrowing.

This has sky rocketed the budget deficit, because the government services the debt in foreign currency and the foreign rate exchange trajectory inflates it. This all takes place within the junk status framework.

What are the implicatio­ns? As we are grappling with an undesirabl­e situation, bags of money are being exchanged, feeding factional battles for the top job.

Presidenti­al hopefuls should not be seen being economical with the truth, condemning factional politics in public: huge sums of money are being pumped into factional struc- tures and their subsidiary platforms.

Branches have been made dormant deliberate­ly to give factional platforms space to operate. After the national policy conference in June, factionall­y driven branches will be re-activated for leadership nomination­s.

By then, dwindling service delivery will have been placed on ice. Isolated pockets of service delivery projects can be launched in order to profile contenders for the coveted position. The president’s focus is on mega projects that will draw huge attention.

Should other credible incumbents decide to enter the leadership succession fray, this could unsettle the main contenders. Untainted individual­s might throw their hats into the ring for the top position. The intensific­ation of the battle for leadership could reveal unpalatabl­e stories about those eyeing the lucrative position. The stakes are high.

Two choices are open, to elevate to positions of authority individual­s who lack in-depth understand­ing of the economic setup. Or to elect individual­s with political and intellectu­al acumen, with the ability to take the country forward.

Should the former prevail, factionali­sm in the ANC will have overridden leadership pre-requisites – an indication that the ANC may lose power in the next national elections.

We need leadership with the ability to lead this nation, still in its formative stages, to prosperity.

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