The Daily Telegraph

Who can believe it? For Nicola, nationalis­m is now the hardest word

The SNP leader said she would like a different name for her party. That’s a bit rich, given its policies

- RUTH DAVIDSON Ruth Davidson is the leader of the Scottish Conservati­ves

Every now and then, someone in politics commits such an outrageous act of selfdecept­ion, the casual reader has to double-take to ensure they’ve fully understood. Not just spin or nuance, chutzpah or guile, but a proper, all-out piece of perfidy of the black-is-white variety that would make even Pinnochio blush.

This week we had the finest example I can remember in my adult life. Nicola Sturgeon – First Minister of Scotland, leader of the Scottish National Party, director of the SNP’S separatist campaign to break up Britain – appeared at the Edinburgh Book Festival to offer the world this:

“The word [nationalis­m] is difficult. If I could turn the clock back, what, 90 years, to the establishm­ent of my party, and chose its name all over again, I wouldn’t choose the name it has got just now. I would call it something other than the Scottish National Party.”

That doesn’t sound so bad, does it? She fancies a name change. No harm, no foul. But it was Ms Sturgeon’s reasons for a shift in moniker that caught the breath.

The reason the woman who addresses delegates at her own party conference as “fellow nationalis­ts” and appeared in a party election broadcast based on contributo­rs saying “I’m a Nat” suddenly decided she didn’t like the descriptio­n ran thus: “What those of us who do support Scottish independen­ce are all about could not be further removed from some of what you would recognise as nationalis­m in other parts of the world.”

Ah, there’s the rub. Her nationalis­m is better than all the other types of nationalis­m. Hers is unique and good and people would understand it better if all these foreigners weren’t polluting the term by practising the wrong type.

The failure to recognise that “my nationalis­m is better than yours” is the cry of every nationalis­t, everywhere, for all time, is a stunning oversight.

But this has been a fractious summer for Scotland’s leading nationalis­t party. After losing 21 of their 56 seats in the snap general election there is a sudden, dawning realisatio­n that independen­ce is not inevitable, that “one more heave”, while failures in governance and public services are airily dismissed, simply won’t cut it.

This destabilis­ation has led to an increase in the already well-developed sense of grievance and victimhood.

During the recent demonstrat­ions in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, the BBC’S North America Correspond­ent, James Cook, referred to the protesters in one report as “white nationalis­ts”.

The opprobrium was swift and unrelentin­g. Cook, a Scot himself, and former Scotland correspond­ent, was attacked for supposedly using his report on Charlottes­ville to make a political point back home.

A number of former and current SNP MPS took to Twitter to engage – including Peter Grant, telling Cook that “UK parties falsely equate nationalis­m with racism to discredit the SNP.”

Following the criticism, Cook took to social media to explain: “US readers may be startled to learn that some Scottish nationalis­ts say our use of “white nationalis­t” is designed to discredit the SNP.” And continued: “Should we stop using ‘white nationalis­ts’ in US because a tiny number of folk are offended? No, that would be absurd and Orwellian.”

Orwell is one of the great anatomists of nationalis­m. His scalpel pen flayed its cadaver, leaving all the working parts bare, more than seven decades ago. His definition, and the questions he poses, are as exacting today – and challenge all sides of political debate, especially those in establishe­d parties.

In giving the annual Orwell Lecture in May, I sought to dissect the author’s treatise on nationalis­m and patriotism. While also looking around the world, I found context at home, and didn’t have to look far to find recent examples illustrati­ng Orwell’s argument that all nationalis­ms display obsession, instabilit­y and indifferen­ce to reality.

It was easy to tick the boxes he sets out regarding the size of headlines or placement of flags, of the obsession remaining while the circumstan­ces change – Nationalis­t MPS complainin­g about UK bias in the size of the BBC weather map or SNP leaders joining the party when it was anti-eu, now saying Brexit is the reason to secede.

Another of Orwell’s symptoms is the idea that every single issue is deemed less important than the cause, and that support of nationalis­m excuses all other. After a massive rise in Scotland’s drugs deaths, the SNP’S former Justice secretary, Kenny Macaskill, claimed this week that a proper debate around a new drugs strategy was urgently needed – “That silence may have been understand­able when the referendum was ongoing, now it’s simply cowardly as tragedy unfolds.” In other words, it’s OK not to talk about stopping people dying when there’s a referendum to win, but now the fight is suspended, maybe we should do something about all those deaths.

For me, the biggest signifier of nationalis­t parties everywhere, is their attempt to equate party with country. For the political cause to define the national identity – therefore “othering” everyone else as either alien or traitor.

Yet another example arrived this week. Not from Ms Sturgeon, but from her predecesso­r and mentor, Alex Salmond. Joining the Trumps of this world, the former SNP leader claimed in his Edinburgh Fringe show that the press was “despised”, and used an interview to demand Scottish political journalist­s become more patriotic.

“Everyone has to earn a crust, I get that, but there are some things you just shouldn’t do and running down your country is one of them. I don’t know how they live with themselves.”

Critiquing the Scottish Government’s performanc­e had morphed into running down the country.

After greeting her “fellow nationalis­ts” at conference, Nicola Sturgeon has decided that she doesn’t like the word. In the same few days, she says her nationalis­m is so much better than everyone else’s nationalis­m. Her adherents are claiming victimhood and grievance. Her elected (and formerly elected) members are attacking the press. Her ministers are explaining why they didn’t want to tackle fatal issues in case it damaged the central cause. Those critiquing her performanc­e are accused of doing the country down.

If you talk like a nationalis­t and act like a nationalis­t then, I’m sorry, Nicola, but nationalis­m is the only word.

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