The Daily Telegraph

Brussels is using kamikaze tactics to keep the European dream alive

The EU will risk anything to hold the union together, even the Continent’s Enlightenm­ent values

- Allister HEATH follow Allister Heath on Twitter @Allisterhe­ath; read More at telegraph.co.uk/ opinion

No, you can’t leave the EU, you can’t quit the euro and you can’t even have a little less Europe. How dare you even ask? You don’t really believe that we would let you have your own way, did you? That has been the establishm­ent’s breathtaki­ng retort to every democratic cris de coeur across Europe these past few years, most recently in Italy.

This is an absurdly risky strategy straight from a kamikaze playbook: the EU is not merely playing with fire but deliberate­ly setting light to the tinderbox. Why provoke electors by conceding nothing to their demands and treating them like children? Why incite a backlash, with potentiall­y devastatin­g consequenc­es? Yet for those who buy into the EU’S warped logic, this fear-driven double-or-quits strategy makes some sense. The worldview that motivates many true European believers is based on a simple, yet flawed, premise: that “disunity” and the existence of competing nation-states is what caused both world wars, so the creation of a single state is the only way to save Europe from itself.

The stakes are so immense in a nuclear world that – to these pro-eu ideologues – it’s worth sacrificin­g everything else, from free speech to democracy, for the ultimate goal. Hence the pro-eu side’s ruthlessne­ss, the increasing­ly successful attempts at stopping a meaningful Brexit, the support for Madrid’s obscene crushing of the pro-catalan independen­ce movement, and now the rejection by the Italian president of a Euroscepti­c finance minister.

The political and moral cost of defying democracy, of the lies, of the endless obfuscatio­n and hypocrisy: none matter in a world where the means, any means, justify the end. All will be forgiven, even the destructio­n of Europe’s Enlightenm­ent values and its historic institutio­ns, as long as the project survives indefinite­ly.

Yet the pro-eu side’s understand­ing of history is hopelessly flawed. It is simply not true, wherever one looks in the world, that modern, democratic self-governing countries have a tendency to go to war with their neighbours. The very opposite holds: almost all are inherently peaceful, and very few seek armed conflict.

In the 1930s, Germany, Italy, Japan and the Soviet Union had never been properly liberal or democratic. It is certainly true that countries can regress spectacula­rly, as we have seen with Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Turkey. It is more than likely that at some point one or other country in the West will embrace an expansiona­ry fascist, communist or other authoritar­ian ideology, perhaps as the result of an economic depression.

But the answer is not to preemptive­ly abolish all nation-states and subsume them into an unaccounta­ble, technocrat­ic empire: there would just be more internal civil wars. The better answer is to create multilater­al alliances that ensure the world can deal promptly with countries that go rogue, while embracing internatio­nal economic policies that make extremist lurches less likely.

It’s not just the EU’S understand­ing of history that is dodgy, leading it to overreach dangerousl­y: its grasp of economics is equally disastrous and is the other, related explanatio­n for the current madness. Ever since Jean Monnet, one of the founding fathers of the EU, economics has been seen as a tool of politics: policy has been designed not to maximise growth or promote free markets but to force political unificatio­n. Crises can be a good thing in this dystopian vision, especially with a set of institutio­ns whose answer to every problem is more powers for Brussels.

The euro was always necessary to achieve political unificatio­n. But the EU took a massive gamble when it launched the currency. It was designed not merely with no possible way back for the franc, mark or lira, but also to ensure that the fiscal affairs of member states were interlocke­d to a far greater extent than almost anybody realises even today.

The euro isn’t really a single currency but a hopelessly complex monetary system, with internal debits and credits reflecting capital flows between the different national central banks as part of the Target2 system. Despite all of that, the euro didn’t come with any explicit fiscal integratio­n: there was no single tax system and Treasury for the EU as this would, rightly, have been anathema to electorate­s, including in Germany.

The “hope” was that the next economic crisis, when it came, would allow the EU to integrate further, rather than threaten the collapse of the whole edifice. And that is why Brussels is panicking: Euroscepti­cism is rampant, and few want to massively increase the size of the EU budget, which would be the logical next step. Brussels is facing the wrong sort of crisis, one that could trigger another 2008-style calamity.

Even if it were managed carefully, a dismantlin­g of the euro would wipe out the Bundesbank’s nearly €1 trillion in Target2 credits, which would finish off the German centre-right and centre-left and threaten political stability in Berlin; it also means that the Eurocrats will do anything, including shutting down a dissident country’s banking system, to stop anybody from leaving.

The EU’S last roll of the dice is to portray itself as the only true supporter of bourgeois values and capitalism. The message to the middle classes is simple: if you value your assets, support the status quo. It’s nonsense, of course: the EU’S economic system is a cross between corporatis­m and social-democracy, with strong protection­ist tendencies, and an ultra-distortion­ary monetary policy rigged against savers. It is not designed to promote economic liberty and prosperity, which is why the EU has underperfo­rmed for so long.

But it means that Euroscepti­cs, in Italy and elsewhere, are using Leftwing rhetoric to oppose the EU. In Italy’s case, they are blaming “speculator­s” for not getting their own way, rather than a political stitch-up. Down that road lies not Euroscepti­c rejuvenati­on but economic ruin.

That is the problem, ultimately, with the EU’S scorched-earth policy, its decision to sacrifice every ideal and value to keep itself alive: when its bankrupt edifice is finally torn down, be it in a year or in a decade’s time, there will be very little left to save.

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