You call this an election?

Much like voters, the Daily News weighs the strengths, weaknesses and track records of mayoral rivals before endorsing a candidate for City Hall. This year, what’s the point? Tuesday’s Democratic primary is a formality; we wish it weren’t. With more serious challengers having opted out because the incumbent lined up establishment support and escaped indictment, de Blasio faces a challenge only from inexperienced, ill-prepared gadfly Sal Albanese.

In a six-to-one Democratic city, the winner is all but guaranteed victory in November election.

Issuing an endorsement based on the process of elimination would be pointless — and worse, would worsen the astonishing delusion of greatness that de Blasio revealed in a recent interview. Referring to New Yorkers, the mayor said:

“You’d assume they’d be having parades out in the streets,” said the mayor of how New Yorkers ought to hail achievements he deems befit a conquering hero.

Not by a wide mile. Not when he is guilty of infecting City Hall with a near-criminal pay-to-play culture, and not with a long record of failures. rue enough, de Blasio has made some good decisions, and a few very good ones. His police commissioners, Bill Bratton and then Jimmy O’Neill, have led the NYPD to drive down crime to historic lows. The past two years alone, department statistics show murders down 23.8% year-to-date; robbery, 16%; auto theft, 21.5%. Shooting incidents are down 33%.

These gains have been achieved while radically reducing — by more than 90% — what had been an out-of-control policy of subjecting black and Latino young men to stops and frisks.

His Vision Zero street safety program, including street redesigns and a slower speed limit, helped reduce traffic deaths by 23% and, in key locations, slashed pedestrian fatalities.

He delivered on the promise of universal pre-K for the city’s 4-year-olds, an economic and educational boon to thousands that he plans now to build on by sending 3-year-olds to school.

His housing development program is producing — albeit at a high cost — thousands of new apartments for people of modest means. Via energetic initiative, he has spurred the creation and preservation of more affordable units than in any recent mayoral term.

He has helped improve the lot of New Yorkers at the bottom rungs of the economic ladder by winning paid sick leave and raising the minimum wage for city workers and contractors. hese achievements, however, are counterbalanced by a series of serious failures and compounded by an insufferable and imperious mien that resists intelligent course correction.

Time after time, de Blasio has let smart decisionmaking be clouded by a desire to be the nation’s leading left-wing warrior and a consistent penchant to go to bat for political allies and donors.

TTFollowing the policies of his Legal Aid lawyerturned-public assistance commissioner, de Blasio has failed to manage a crisis of homelessness. As numbers of people on streets and in shelters have hit record highs, as has city spending, the mayor has declared himself powerless to fight tides he could do far more to control.

Toeing the teacher’s union line, he has resisted the ever-growing body of evidence that the city’s top charter schools are a godsend to underprivileged children and stymied their growth, holding a special grudge for some of the very best schools.

His fealty to that same dogma has led him to pour hundreds of millions of dollars into a school turnaround program that has shown spotty results. While overall test scores have risen modestly on his watch, progress remains too slow.

De Blasio blindly stood by a correction commissioner so devoted to ending solitary confinement that violence surged on Rikers Island, and so undevoted to the job he vanished for weeks to rural Maine.

On managing city finances, the long-term consequences of wishful thinking could be most severe. De Blasio has lavished on city workers wage increases — 20% over four years — that the taxpaying public will have to strain to sustain.

The overall budget of the nation’s largest city has risen by $11 billion on de Blasio’s watch, a 14.6% jump, more than three times the rate of inflation over that period.

The mayor is right that record amounts of cash are stashed in reserves, but this ignores that economic good times are sure to end, and his pricey commitments are impossible to unwind.

Meantime, de Blasio has shown a crass penchant for transactional politics.

He attempted to kneecap the car-sharing service Uber when it threatened the yellow cabs that have been big political supporters.

He has similarly gone to war against a harmless carriage-horse industry and its decent, union jobs — an item atop a big donor’s wish list.

Most infamously, de Blasio has let pay-for-play politics return to New York City government with a vengeance, leaning on people with business before the city to give unlimited contributions to a political fund he set up to circumvent campaign-finance limits — then gave those same people special access to decision makers.

New York will have another four years of Bill de Blasio’s mayoralty. But he must do far better.

He won pre-K a long time ago. He has put forward few innovative ideas, and, given the current rate of progress, has at least a decade to go to reach the goal he set of getting all third-graders reading at grade level. And as a lame duck out to prove his progressive brilliance to a national audience, de Blasio must stay as focused on governing New York as he is in getting from Gracie Mansion to the Park Slope Y for his daily exercise in a police-driven SUV.