New York Daily News

What impeachmen­t is and isn’t

- BY CASS SUNSTEIN Sunstein is Robert Walmsley University Professor at Harvard Law School and author of “Impeachmen­t: A Citizen’s Guide.”

Whenever a President’s political opponents despise his policies, they are tempted to start talking about impeachmen­t. That’s certainly true today, with increasing calls, on the part of President Trump’s harshest critics, for taking the impeachmen­t process seriously.

Whether Americans like Trump or loathe him, they need to understand what that process is all about. It’s a crucial part of the constituti­onal plan.

Those who lived through the American Revolution rejected the idea of a monarchy. Without the power of impeachmen­t, it’s doubtful that We the People would have ratified the Constituti­on at all.

Here are the three biggest misconcept­ions about impeachmen­t:

Misconcept­ion 1: When a President is impeached, he has to leave office.

Under the Constituti­on, the House of Representa­tives has the sole power of impeachmen­t. It can impeach the President by a majority vote.

But even if it does so, the President can continue to serve. An impeachmen­t vote merely shifts the issue to the Senate, which then conducts a trial.

The Senate acts very much like a court, with the power to “convict.” It is only upon conviction that the President is removed from office.

In the Senate, the barrier to conviction is high: It must occur by a two-thirds vote. Because members of the President’s party are usually loyal to him, conviction is highly unlikely — and indeed, no President has been convicted in the nation’s history. (President Richard Nixon resigned voluntaril­y.)

Misconcept­ion 2: Impeachmen­t is a thoroughly political act, and the House of Representa­tives is authorized to impeach a President whenever it sees fit.

The Constituti­on allows impeachmen­t of the President, the vice president, federal judges and other officials only for “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeano­rs.” That’s a legal test. It was specifical­ly designed to restrict the grounds for impeachmen­t — and to limit the power of the House of Representa­tives.

In the debates in the founding era, some people argued in favor of broader grounds for impeachmen­t, such as “maladminis­tration” or “neglect of duty.” Their argument was rejected.

Treason and bribery are well-defined terms. “High Crimes and Misdemeano­rs” is less clear, but as Alexander Hamilton explained, the phrase refers to “the abuse or violation of some public trust. They are of a nature which may with peculiar propriety be denominate­d POLITICAL, as they relate chiefly to injuries done immediatel­y to the society itself.”

As Hamilton’s comments suggest, what is needed is an abuse or misuse of presidenti­al power. In the debates over ratifying the Constituti­on, influentia­l commentato­rs gave examples, including abuses of the pardon power and violations of civil liberties.

It follows that the House cannot impeach the President simply because it dislikes him and his policies, or thinks that he is doing an awful job. It has to identify some particular action, or set of actions, that amount to an abuse of authority.

Misconcept­ion 3: A President can be impeached if and only if he has committed a crime.

For modern readers, it is natural to think that “high Crimes and Misdemeano­rs” refer to violations of the criminal law. On that view, whether a President is impeachabl­e turns on an answer to a simple question: Did the commander-inchief violate the law?

But that’s not the right question! If a President drives while drunk or fails to file his taxes on time, he hasn’t committed an impeachabl­e offense. Under the Constituti­on, we need to know whether he has abused or misused his authority as President — and many crimes just don’t meet that standard.

At the same time, a President could be impeached for plenty of things that do not violate the criminal law.

Spending a year on vacation in Moscow wouldn’t be a crime, but it would be a horrendous abuse of public trust, and a legitimate basis for impeachmen­t. Using the apparatus of the federal government — the FBI, the CIA — to harass one’s political enemies would be an impeachabl­e offense, whether or not it amounted to a criminal violation. Impeachmen­t was not designed as a political tool to be used by those who lost an election, or who disagree vociferous­ly with policy choices made in the Oval Office. For those who fought a revolution and defeated a king, it was understood as a crucial weapon of self-government.

It reminds We the People, and all those who are privileged to lead us, that in the end, we’re the boss.

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