San Francisco Chronicle - (Sunday)

Social media: If Facebook won’t curb disinforma­tion, Congress must

Congress must act if Facebook won’t curb political disinforma­tion

- By Janine Zacharia Janine Zacharia, a former Washington Post reporter, is a lecturer in the department of communicat­ion at Stanford University.

The Trump administra­tion’s battle with Silicon Valley over content moderation escalated this month when the Justice Department urged Congress to strip some immunity protection­s from social media platforms for content they host.

The move followed a largely symbolic executive order President Trump signed after Twitter — for the first time — slapped a fact check on two of his false tweets, a move the president tried to frame as a crackdown on conservati­ve speech. On Tuesday, Twitter took action for the fifth time against the president, hiding a Trump tweet threatenin­g “serious force” against protesters who tried to establish an autonomous zone in Washington, D.C., saying it violated Twitter’s rules on abusive behavior.

There is much disagreeme­nt within and among social media companies about what to do about politician­s’ lies and misleading or false political ads. (Twitter has banned political ads, while Facebook allows them, though it said in midJune it would soon allow all users to opt out of them. And on Friday, Facebook, faced with a growing advertiser boycott, outlined a broader category of hateful content it would ban in ads.) Four years after the Russians exploited the platforms to sow division and boost Trump’s candidacy, there also remains little consensus about how — or if — Congress should regulate the technologi­es that remain beset by bots, disinforma­tion and hate speech.

On Wednesday, a congressio­nal hearing on disinforma­tion underscore­d the dangers of doing nothing.

Rep. Robert Latta, an Ohio Republican, noted that liability protection­s have allowed social media companies to become the true gatekeeper­s of the internet, “but too often, they don’t want to take responsibi­lity for the content behind those gates.”

Still, no matter what the Justice Department desires or how much handwringi­ng there is on Capitol Hill, it’s unlikely a divided Congress will swiftly make radical changes to Section 230 — the critical portion of the 1996 Communicat­ions Decency Act that prevents social media companies from being held liable for content but gives them the power to take down posts and set guidelines.

Social media companies will continue to tangle with the executive branch, and technology leaders may never come up with a consistent logic regarding false content. But that doesn’t mean Congress can’t do anything before November to at least blunt some of the damage of political ad microtarge­ting. Congress can quickly act to reduce voter exposure to unconteste­d lies online by passing the Banning Microtarge­ted Political Ads Act, a smart bill introduced last month by Rep. Anna Eshoo, DPalo Alto.

Bombarding me with online advertisem­ents for products based on searches I conducted is annoying, creepy and poses risks to my personal privacy. But bombarding Americans with specially crafted political ads based on their likes and shares and other identifyin­g characteri­stics is damaging our democracy.

Research agrees. “Online political campaigns targeting Facebook users by gender, location and political allegiance significan­tly increased support for Republican candidate Donald Trump,” a 2018 University of Warwick study showed. “The microtarge­ted campaigns exploiting Facebook’s profiling tools were highly effective both in persuading undecided voters to support Mr. Trump, and in persuading Republican supporters to turn out on polling day.”

These ads can be laced with falsehoods or designed to enrage. And since journalist­s, and sometimes even political opponents, can’t see all the microtarge­ted ads in real time — Trump’s campaign reportedly put forth 5.9 million different ads on Facebook during the 2016 election cycle — they aren’t always able to hold the politician­s or political groups distributi­ng them accountabl­e.

“Microtarge­ting political ads fractures our open democratic debate into millions of private, unchecked silos, allowing for the spread of false promises, polarizing lies, disinforma­tion, fake news, and voter suppressio­n,” Eshoo — whose district lies in the heart of Silicon Valley — said when she introduced the bill. “With spending on digital ads in the 2020 election expected to exceed $1.3 billion, Congress must step in to protect our nation’s democratic process.”

Eshoo, in a letter to her colleagues, points to an example from 2016 when the Trump campaign created an ad that framed Hillary Clinton, the Democratic nominee, as racist and showed it only to African American voters who vote infrequent­ly — and in specific districts where the vote was close — to persuade them to stay home.

The letter cites an October 2016 Bloomberg News story that describes how the ad was “delivered to certain African American voters through Facebook ‘dark posts’— nonpublic posts whose viewership the campaign controls.” The idea, Bloomberg quoted Trump’s campaign manager Brad Parscale as saying, is to make it so, “only the people we want to see it, see it.”

During last year’s impeachmen­t hearings, thousands of microtarge­ted ads “flooded the internet, portraying Trump as a heroic reformer cracking down on foreign corruption while Democrats plotted a coup,” the Atlantic reported.

While our election laws prohibit foreign foreigners from buying campaign advertisem­ents, the Russians set up fake accounts and shell companies that made them seem like they were American to buy microtarge­ted ads.

Americans agree this is awful. Seventytwo percent of Americans said internet companies shouldn’t make informatio­n about user behavior available to political campaigns so they can microtarge­t them, according to a March survey by the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation and Gallup.

Under Eshoo’s bill, political groups and politician­s could still target ads to broad geographie­s like states, municipali­ties, and congressio­nal districts. This would allow voters from all political persuasion­s to see them and opponents and reporters and public interest groups to evaluate them as well. There would be more accountabi­lity. Falsehoods could be corrected.

There’s no reason — except profit — that Facebook needs to make informatio­n available about users’ behavior to those who want to use it to microtarge­t for political purposes. One way to avoid being forced to make this change by Congress is for Facebook to decide to make these changes to political ad microtarge­ting on its own.

In Friday’s announceme­nt, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg signaled the company would begin to label — and even remove — some politician­s’ speech that violates its policies: “Even if a politician or government official says it, if we determine that content may lead to violence or deprive people of their right to vote, we will take that content down.”

While a bold shift for Facebook, the new policy focuses on voter suppressio­n and hate speech and falls short of a broader commitment to fact check politician­s’ untruths. Defending that decision last month, Zuckerberg said, “Political speech is one of the most sensitive parts in a democracy, and people should be able to see what politician­s say.”

If Zuckerberg really believes this, then he should reform his political microtarge­ting ad policy to make it so.

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Getty Images

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