Another not-so-squeaky-clean Cabinet nominee
Liberal media outlets are doing their best to boost former Washington Gov. Gary Locke, President Obama’s third pick for the beleaguered commerce secretary job. “Obama’s new commerce pick has clean reputation,” declared National Public Radio’s Tom Banse. The Democrat possesses “a largely scandal-free resume” reported the New York Times. He is a “safe choice,” The Washington Post asserted, because of his “straight-laced reputation.”
But repeating the Mr. Clean claim doesn’t make it so. Those in his home state who know Mr. Locke best paint a far grimier picture of a crony politician with a serial habit of skirting campaign finance laws and conflictof-interest rules. In other words: Mr. Locke’s “Do As I Say, Not as I Do” record makes him a good fit for the ethically impaired Obama administration.
The left-leaning Seattle Weekly newspaper notes that Mr. Locke presided over a $3.2 billion tax break for Boeing while “never disclosing he paid $715,000 to — and relied on the advice of — Boeing’s own private consultant and outside auditor.” Then there’s the tainted matter of Mr. Locke’s “favors for his brother-in-law [who lived in the governor’s mansion], including a tax break for his relative’s company, personal intervention in a company dispute, and Locke’s signature on a federal loan application for the company.“ Mr. Locke’s laces ain’t so straight.
The glowing profiles of Mr. Locke have largely glossed over his troubling ties to the Clinton-era Chinagate scandal. As the nation’s first ChineseAmerican governor, Mr. Locke aggressively raised cash from ethnic constituencies around the country. Convicted campaign finance money-launderer John Huang helped grease the wheels and open doors.
In the same period when Mr. Huang drummed up illegal cash for Clinton-Gore at the federal level, he also organized two 1996 galas for Mr. Locke in Washington, D.C., (where Mr. Locke hobnobbed with Bill Clinton and other Chinagate principals); three fund-raisers in Los Angeles; and an extravaganza at the Universal City, Calif., Hilton in October 1996 that raised upward of $30,000.
Mr. Huang also made personal contributions to Mr. Locke - as did another Clinton-Gore funnymoney figure, Indonesian business mogul Ted Sioeng and his family and political operatives.
Mr. Sioeng, whom Justice Department and intelligence officials suspected of acting on behalf of the Chinese government, illegally donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to both Democratic and Republican coffers. Bank records from congressional investigators indicated that one Sioeng associate’s maximum individual contribution to Mr. Locke was illegally reimbursed by the businessman’s daughter.
Checks to Mr. Locke’s campaign poured in from prominent Huang and Sioeng associates, many of them targets of federal investigations, including:
Hoyt Zia, a Commerce Department counsel, who stated in a sworn deposition that Mr. Huang had access to virtually any classified document through him.
Melinda Yee, another Clinton Commerce Department official who admitted destroying Freedom of Information Actprotected notes on a China trade mission involving Mr. Huang’s former employer, the Indonesiabased Lippo Group.
Praitun Kanchanalak, mother of convicted Thai influence-peddler Pauline Kanchanalak.
Kent La, exclusive distributor of Mr. Sioeng’s Chinese cigarettes in the United States.
And Mr. Sioeng’s wife and son-in-law.
Mr. Locke eventually returned a token amount of money from Mr. Huang and Mrs. Kanchanalak, but not before bitterly playing the race card and accusing critics of his sloppy accounting and questionable schmoozing of stirring up anti-Asian-American sentiment. “It will make our efforts doubly hard to get Asian Americans appointed to top-level positions across the United States,” Mr. Locke complained. “If they have any connection to John Huang, those individuals will face greater scrutiny and their lives will be completely opened up and examined — perhaps more than usual.”
That scrutiny (such as it was) was more than justified. On top of his Chinagate entanglements, Mr. Locke’s political committee was fined the maximum amount by Washington’s campaign finance watchdog for failing to disclose out-of-state New York City Chinatown donors. One of those events was held at New York City’s Harmony Palace restaurant, co-owned by Chinese street gang thugs.
And then there were Mr. Locke’s not-so-squeaky-clean fundraising trips to a Buddhist temple in Redmond, Wash., which netted nearly $14,000 from monks and nuns — many of whom barely spoke English, couldn’t recall donating to Mr. Locke, or were out of the country and could never be located.
Of the known temple donors identified by the Locke campaign, five gave $1,000 each on July 22, 1996 — paid in sequentially ordered cashier’s checks. Two priests gave $1,000 and $1,100 on Aug. 8, 1996. Three other temple adherents also gave $1,000 contributions on Aug. 8. Internal campaign records show two other temple disciples donated $2,000 and $1,000 respectively on other dates. State campaign finance investigators failed to track down some of the donors during their probe.
But while investigating the story for the Seattle Times, I interviewed temple donor Siu Wai Wong, a bald, robed 40-year-old priest who could not remember when or by what means he had given a $1,000 contribution to Mr. Locke. He also refused to say whether he was a U.S. citizen, explaining that his “English [was] not so good.”
Although an inept state campaign-finance panel absolved Mr. Locke and his campaign of any wrongdoing, the extensive public record clearly shows the Locke campaign used Buddhist monks as conduits for laundered money.
The longtime reluctance to press Mr. Locke — who became a high-powered attorney specializing in China trade issues for international law firm Davis, Wright & Tremaine after leaving the governor’s mansion — on his reckless, ethnic-based fundraising will undoubtedly extend to the politically correct and cowed Beltway.
Supporters are now touting Mr. Locke’s cozy relations with the Chinese government as a primary reason he deserves the Commerce Department post. Yet another illustration of how “Hope and Change” is just another synonym for “Screw Up, Move Up.”
Michelle Malkin is a nationally syndicated columnist.