Amnesty International’s Global Youth Summit convenes in Buenos Aires as rights campaigners discuss intricacies of life online.
At a time of the economic crisis, the annual Feria Internacional del Libro de Buenos Aires promises to be a space for reflection and debate. A look at the activities, visits and Javier Milei’s presentation.
Digital advocates have called on nation-states to ensure the safety and rights of youngsters as they struggle to navigate the complexities of life online.
The warnings were delivered as Amnesty International Argentina played host to the Global Youth Summit on Digital Rights in Puerto Madero, Buenos Aires, last week.
The summit, spanning three days, zeroed in on the challenges faced by children and adolescents in digital spaces, ranging from surveillance to harassment and abuse.
Discussions focused on the creation of a global community to advance the rights of minors online, ensure their voices are heard and respected, guarantee equal access to a “safe, rights-respecting digital environment” and recognise the role played by youngsters in finding solutions to serious problems.
Drawing together voices from diverse corners of the world, the event served as a rallying call for rights activists. Calling for global standards, they demanded governments ensure the safety and assertion of rights of young people online.
International delegates at the Global Youth Summit on Digital Rights facilitated a platform for collective action, urging major tech entities to uphold the rights of young individuals online. As attendees deliberated on the intricacies of digital rights, one overarching theme emerged: the necessity of regional perspectives in addressing global issues.
It quickly became evident that digital rights encapsulate a broader framework of human rights, encompassing facets such as privacy, freedom of expression, and equitable Internet access. As technology continues to evolve, so too must our understanding and advocacy for digital rights, delegates argued.
Tabitha Mbuthia, a 22-year-old law student and online rights champion from Amnesty International Kenya, emphasised the urgent need for climate justice and digital protection in her local community.
“I am working to ensure that children and youth have safe Internet access and are shielded from the detrimental effects of technology,” she explained.
Similarly, Isaiah Emmanuel Suguitan, a 24-year-old community nutrition student and advocate from the NGO’S Philippines chapter, highlighted the crucial importance of digital rights to highlight health inaccessibility and inequalities in his country.
“As someone in the health field, I am deeply concerned about the spread of health misinformation in the Philippines,” he told the Times.
Both Tabitha and Isaiah’s remarks underscore the multifaceted challenges and opportunities in the digital rights landscape, ranging from Internet safety for vulnerable populations to the dissemination of accurate health information.
These insights from grassroots activists shed light on the pressing issues at the intersection of technology, human rights, and public health. As digital advocacy gains momentum globally, their voices serve as catalysts for change in the pursuit of a more inclusive and secure digital future for all.
The Global Youth Summit served as a crucible for cross-cultural exchange, fostering dialogue and solidarity among youth leaders from disparate backgrounds. By bridging cultural divides, participants gained a deeper understanding of the universal impact of digital rights issues, transcending geographical boundaries in their pursuit of equitable digital futures. Young activists call on states, tech firms to uphold digital rights
In a very difficult economic context, the 2024 edition of the annual Feria Internacional del Libro de Buenos Aires promises to be – now more than ever – a space for dialogue, a meeting between peers and resistance in the face of a hostile political power in the form of President Javier Milei’s government.
The most popular cultural event in Argentina, which opened to the public on April 25 with activities running until May 13, is opening its doors at a critical time for the industry, which like the rest of us is gripped by Argentina’s endless economic crisis.
With general book prices now above 20,000 pesos and a fall in sales over the last two months calculated to be around 30 percent, both organisers and sellers are cautious when it comes to forecasting numbers, reserving their optimism for the largest Spanish-language book fair in the world.
To add insult to injury, the Culture Secretariat (downgraded from ministry status by Milei) announced earlier this year that it would not take part in the event with the traditional national government stand, which previously highlighted the activities of the Culture Ministry, Education Ministry and the National Library.
Citing budgetary reasons, Culture Secretary Leonardo Cifelli announced that the national administration could not afford the alleged 300 million pesos the stand cost.
The figure was fake, the actual cost is approximately 70 million pesos), as clarified by authorities from the event’s organisers, the Fundación El Libro, but neither the negotiation nor U-turn was possible. They are the same budgetary reasons that forced some provincial governments to refrain from providing their normal presence or and forced others to join together in the same space. The government’s stand was ultimately taken up by Buenos Aires Province.
The price of the tickets has also been discussed, given that weekday entrance has risen from 800 pesos in 2023 to 3,500 pesos in 2024, an increase some consider to be above the pace of inflation. Without splitting hairs, the truth is the cost will be felt by pockets, especially at the weekends when the value of a ticket rises to 5,000 pesos. To offset the hike, Fundación El Libro will offer its traditional discount for purchases and will provide “cheque libros” (“book cheques or vouchers”), which will help visitors purchase books outside the Fair, at bookshops, at a lower price.
PROBLEMS
“There are a great deal of economic, social and political problems,” said Alejandro Vaccaro, the president of Fundación El Libro, in an interview with Noticias magazine.
“The country is devastated by the constant attacks from a government that is totally insensitive to culture,” he complained. “But the Fair has proved it has sufficient strength to keep people’s interest in books and reading alive. It’s also a great setting for debate, at this crucial time, [about] the future of Argentina.”
Adriana Fernández, editorial director of Planeta, one of Argentina’s biggest publishers, is eagerly awaiting the “party for books” that lies ahead. “Every year it’s inevitable to ask how we’ll do at the Book Fair, because, doubtless, Argentina every year has its particular features that configure the country,” she said.
“We await this gathering because it’s a milestone for the publishing industry, a call to experience and enjoy 21 days of non-stop activities. But, above all, because during these days we recognise each other,” said Fernández.
With fewer sales, but still plenty of willingness, those who are essential to the Fair know that, whatever the financial outcome, the next few weeks are fundamental for the industry. To them, the result is ultimately always positive.
OPENING DRAMA
Vaccaro said not all the voices present would be anti-milei ones – not least because the President himself will be there.
Milei has also announced his visit to present his own latest work, Capitalismo, socialismo y la trampa neoclásica, on Sunday, May 12, at the La Rural exhibition centre’s main arena. Anything could happen.
“We aspire to have discussions of ideas and models of the country there. We’re interested in a plurality of voices,” said Vaccaro.
Local media reports say Milei has organised his appearance directly with La Rural’s authorities and not via the event’s organisers, Fundación El Libro.
Nevertheless, it looks like there will be some opening day drama. The always anticipated inaugural speech was to be made by writer Liliana Heker, who said recently “there’s no chance I won’t allude to the current context.”
“I’m aware that we’re going through an absolutely uncertain and insane reality,” she said.
Heker was accompanied by the authorities from Fundación El Libro, as well as Buenos Aires City Culture Minister Gabriela Ricardes and – much to everyone’s surprise – Cifelli, the national culture secretary who has, against all odds (impossible not to remember previous boycotts at the opening act), has confirmed his presence.
GUEST CITY, TRIBUTES
The guest city this year is Lisbon, which brings to Buenos Aires an extensive delegation of writers and musicians, with multiple presentations and concerts within the fair and outside of it.
Among other options, there will be special tributes to late writers José Saramago and Fernando Pessoa.
Some traditional activities will also be renewed and repeated, such as meetings of the Dialogue of Writers of Argentina and Latin America, the International Congress to Promote Books and Reading, the International Forum of Science & Technology, the International Meeting of Oral Narration, the gathering of bookfluencers and the Festival of Poetry.
In total, more than 70 publishing houses are involved. As always, the Critics’ Award and the Literary Award will be given to a volumne of fiction.
There will be special tributes for writers and characters who are celebrating anniversaries: Julio Cortázar, Adolfo Bioy Casares (with an exhibit of his photos), Mafalda (60th anniversary), Macedonio Fernández, Luis Chitarroni, Gustavo Cerati and Franz Kafka, 100 years after his death.
These activities are in addition to the many presentations, book signings, roundtables and conferences promoted by each of the sellers.
The great novelty of this edition is a final debate which, like the opening speech, will be a space which helps exchange ideas about the situation of culture in the country’s current context.
The party is about to begin and this year, given the circumstances, nobody wants to miss it.
Losing the support of the middle class and the youth could be a dangerous precedent for a politically weak president like Javier Milei. Up until now, Argentina’s head of state had maintained his political capital, despite suffering substantial defeats, such as the initial collapse of the so-called ‘Omnibus’ bill in Congress, though to a certain extent, he came out strengthened from that dispute. He fared even better in the face of street-blocking protests, with Security Minister Patricia Bullrich effectively limiting the power of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) umbrella union grouping and leftist social movements’ power through an ‘anti-picket’ protocol. Picking fights with his preferred enemies – whether they be journalists or politicians – allowed the ultra-libertarian to use his “castegun,” painting the scarlet letter on his opponents and relying on his digital communications machine to come out victorious in the eyes of the public.
But that’s not what happened during this week’s multitudinous march in defence of the public university system, which saw the masses take the streets peacefully in order to protest an apparent libertarian ‘chainsaw’ attack against the beloved UBA (Universidad de Buenos Aires) and its sister institutions scattered federally throughout the provinces. Regardless of Manuel Adorni’s attempts at defending the president’s position (the presidential spokesman was forced to deny that the administration is looking to shut down state universities), and even though several of the toxic members of “the caste” joined the crowds (giving the libertarian digital information war machine fodder), the crowds made their point loud and clear. Milei and La Libertad Avanza have clearly suffered a political defeat that has actually hit them where it hurts: their electorate.
It’s still too early to tell whether this march marks a turning point of sorts in the President’s relationship with the public. As happened in previous confrontations with its political adversaries, the president sought to discredit the participants via ad hominem attacks blurted out over social media, retweeting nasty comments and memes posted by his paid network of influencers, before sending out Adorni try to defend the government’s position in a daily press conference. This is all part of a well-crafted strategy of political communications, supposedly led by political strategist Santiago Caputo — the self proclaimed “political commissar” of the government — that operates within the sphere of “synthetic power,” as previously analysed in this column. Conceptually it refers to a new way in which certain social actors build substantial political capital using the digital information ecosystem, which is structurally different to the way power structures are traditionally built and maintained.
During the month-long showdown over the Omnibus bill, Milei and his La Libertad Avanza party managed to set the stage for an ambush of the political class, creating the illusion of a negotiation and ultimately pulling the bill and digitally lynching the legislators who weren’t aligned with them. In tandem, the left-wing social movements first and the CGT later mobilised to the Plaza de Mayo in downtown Buenos Aires, only to be used as guinea pigs by the Security Ministry to test out Bullrich’s brand-new protocol. As protesters timidly marched and then quickly dispersed, Milei, his sister Karina and their gang celebrated another political victory, claiming they had “tamed” the wild “lefties.”
The government’s response to the march in defence of the public university system was similar to their usual approach, but the impact wasn’t the same – the social agenda appears to have finally sided against Milei on a major issue. This time around, the response to the chainsaw austerity plan and its impact on state universities was overwhelming. Hundreds of thousands took to the streets throughout the country, where there was a clear grassroots movement (mainly composed of students and the middle class with a peaceful intention to express their distaste at the president’s general negative disposition toward UBA and public education in general). The specific arguments used by La Libertad Avanza weren’t all that relevant to the crowd, who saw in Milei’s “anarcho-capitalist” libertarianism an intention to eliminate public schooling to make way for the private sector (if indeed there is a market there). While there were political groups involved in the organisation of Tuesday’s demonstration, they were mainly clinging on to a popular response to the latest edition of the president’s culture wars. For whatever reason, though a majority of the population sides with Milei in his battle against politically correct and culturally progressive institutions and trends, the attacks against public education hit a social nerve that sparked a popular response. Historically, Argentines have been proud of the history of the free and universal education system in the country, starting with Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, considered one of the founding fathers of the nation. Even if a large portion of the population agrees that the educational system has fallen victim to the same forces of decrepitude as the rest of society, UBA and the university system are still a source of pride, and they do well in the international rankings. According to Ecuadorean political strategist Jaime Durán Barba (who happens to have been one of Santiago Caputo’s mentors), the Milei administration is making a big mistake in picking a fight with the country’s youth, who by definition are rebellious and historically have been at the forefront of moments of social revolution and change. Speaking at an exclusive livestream event for Perfil’s digital subscribers, he noted that the communications strategy pursued by the government is mistaken, saying that its intention is persecution, as opposed to relying on a message of hope. It was that orientation that allowed Milei’s campaign to reach people of all ages and social classes during the campaign. But if they don’t change their strategy, according to Durán Barba, the risk of social upheaval in this difficult economic context will rise.
The use of synthetic power has allowed this President to force the implosion of the Juntos por el Cambio coalition, which seemingly had the election in the bag at one point last year. Former Buenos Aires City mayor Horacio Rodríguez Larreta didn’t even make it past the PASO primary, while Patricia Bullrich was ultimately absorbed into the government. It also allowed Milei and his four English mastiffs to beat a sitting Peronist administration, banded in the Unión por la Patria coalition and with the support of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Sergio Massa in control of the budget, in the race for the Casa Rosada.
There are little doubts as to the real-world effects of synthetic power. Milei remains deeply popular and continues to wield vast power. Yet, he should be wary of hubris, as his power is not eternal – even if sometimes it can feel like it.
The government’s response to the march in defence of the public university system was similar to their usual approach, but the impact wasn’t the same – the social agenda appears to have finally sided against Milei on a major issue.