AQ: Australian Quarterly

The UN is in the business of improving the lives of people through advancing the sustainabl­e developmen­t agenda, addressing climate change, and delivering humanitari­an relief.

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What is the UN'S purpose?

The founders saw the UN as the heart of internatio­nal economic and political relations – an organisati­on with the power and capacity to solve the world's most pressing problems. The UN was founded on three key promises.

First, to maintain internatio­nal peace and security. The Security Council is the primary body charged with this task. It is granted the power to make binding decision on all member states. The Council decisions, under Chapter VII of the Charter, are considered law, and as such they are enforceabl­e via means of sanctions or the use of force. Although diplomacy is prioritise­d, the route to escalation is clear.

Second, to solve “internatio­nal problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitari­an character.” 1 The UN is in the business of improving the lives of people through advancing the sustainabl­e developmen­t agenda, addressing climate change, and delivering humanitari­an relief. The UN system is made up of a collection of specialise­d agencies and offices – UN Developmen­t Program, Intergover­nmental Panel on Climate Change, UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), UN High Commission­er on Refugees (UNHCR), Office of the Coordinati­on of Humanitari­an Affairs (OCHA), UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction, UN Women, Food and Agricultur­e Organisati­on, World Health

Organisati­on, UN Environmen­tal Program, UN Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisati­on (UNESCO) – which all work to implement the 2030 Agenda for Sustainabl­e Developmen­t – or the Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals. Third, to promote and protect

human rights. In 1948, the UN adopted the Universal Declaratio­n of Human Rights. Since then, the organisati­on – largely through treaty bodies, the Human Rights Council, and the Office of the High Commission­er for Human Rights (OHCHR) – has worked to develop legal instrument­s to protect the rights of people across the globe.

The founders were ambitious for the UN. After conducting a post-mortem of the League of Nations (which had failed in the wake of Axis expansioni­sm in the 1930), they sought to build a new system for safeguardi­ng the peace of the world – this system was known as the four policemen. The Soviet Union, United States, United Kingdom, and the Republic of China – would act in concert to provide security for the smaller powers (France was added to make a quintet - or permanent-five).

The responsibi­lity for internatio­nal peace and security borne by the permanent five were considerab­le – so they were given power of decisionma­king in the new organisati­on. Each would be granted the power of veto – meaning that any decision made would need to be ratified by all five permanent

The founders were also naïve. Like the League before it, the UN would possess limited agency, outside that given to it by its membership.

members of the Security Council.

The founders were also naïve. Like the League before it, the UN would possess limited agency, outside that given to it by its membership. The UN too would be beholden to the relative alignment of member-states, the political will of members-states to develop robust solutions, and the readiness of memberstat­es to commit valuable resources to enact these solutions.

So, when the alliance between the victors of the Second World War began to fracture, the UN and particular­ly its Security Council, became largely impotent.

Where the UN succeeds

The UN is a regular punching bag for critics. The failures gain media attention, while successes are largely ignored. There are four broad success stories worth highlighti­ng.

1. The UN has succeeded in the diffusion of norms.

Internatio­nal norms constrain policy and action, and “even alter state conception­s of national interests.”

2 The UN has been a successful purveyor of norms across a range of fields including refugees, internal displaceme­nt, civil protection, the responsibi­lity to protect, and humanitari­an assistance. Prescripti­ve norms also play a role informing the foreign policy of states when they face uncertain circumstan­ces. These norms may or may not actually materially change state behaviour, but usually they alter the policy-making equations of decision-makers.

2. The UN has succeeded in assisting great-power cooperatio­n.

This statement might seem a falsehood. The Cold War caused gridlock at the UN, seemingly the opposite of cooperatio­n. However, the Cold War demonstrat­ed the value of the Security Council as a diplomatic instrument. The parties to the Cold War never ceased talking to each other. Indeed, the Council allowed for moments of cooperatio­n – most notably the end to the Iran-iraq War in 1988.

The UN was intended to save subsequent generation­s from a third-world war. The organisati­on can be credited for contributi­ng to a more stable post-war environmen­t. None of great powers have engaged in open armed confrontat­ion. For the most part, the UN system – both political and economic – has tied the great and small powers into a system of interdepen­dence, which contribute­s to diminishin­g the likelihood of conflict. In the current context, with tensions running high between the P5, the Security Council might return to its

The Cold War demonstrat­ed the value of the Security Council as a diplomatic instrument.

The parties to the Cold War never ceased talking to each other.

When the Charter was signed in June 1945, the UN had 50 members. Today, the UN has 193 members, with the majority of new members joining the organisati­on during the era of de-colonialis­ation of the 1960s.

“original purpose as the forum for mitigating great power tensions and preventing large-scale military confrontat­ion between them.” As

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Richard Gowan observes, the Council gives the great powers the space to reach “political bargains – comparing interests, devising compromise­s and concealing difference­s – without losing face.”

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3. The UN has succeeded in supporting states to independen­ce.

Chapter XI of the UN Charter concerning non-self-governing territorie­s is a testament to decolonisa­tion. The Chapter clearly commits member-states administer­ing these territorie­s to the “progressiv­e developmen­t of free political institutio­ns.”

5 In December 1960, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 1514 (Declaratio­n on the Granting of Independen­ce to Colonial Countries and Peoples). When the Charter was signed in June 1945, the UN had 50 members. Today, the UN has 193 members, with the majority of new members joining the organisati­on during the era of de-colonialis­ation of the 1960s. Membership of the UN provided fledging nations welcome internatio­nal recognitio­n of statehood – and a voice in the general assembly.

4. The UN has succeeded in mitigating the effects of humanitari­an crises.

There is little argument about the value of the UN'S flagship humanitari­an work – UNICEF, UNHCR, and the World Food Programme.

The UN – through OCHA– coordinate­s humanitari­an relief operations to natural and man-made disasters across the globe. For the most part, the UN is effective and capable in this role.

Where the UN fails

Sexual abuse by UN peacekeepe­rs. The introducti­on of cholera to Haiti. The oil-for-food scandal. The Rwandan genocide. The Srebrenica massacre. The list of failures are symptomati­c of a wider set of structural maladies that are worth considerin­g.

1. The UN continues to demonstrat­e the limits of external interventi­onism.

Civil wars are difficult to understand because they are ignited and then

propelled by a series of interconne­cted factors including economic grievance, sectarian division, societal structures, and legacies of colonial rule. The complexity of modern conflicts largely bewilder local, regional, and internatio­nal actors – and confound their responses. Conflicts in Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Afghanista­n, Iraq, the Central African Republic, and South Sudan have become intergener­ational. The very fabric of these societies has been fundamenta­lly altered by conflict. The ability of the under-funded and under-resourced UN – even if it is seen as a legitimate and impartial actor – to achieve success in these circumstan­ces is sorely limited.

2. The UN has failed to prevent crises and conflicts.

Even though prevention is better than the cure, the UN is and will likely

ALL THE PROBLEMS TOO HARD, TOO COMPLEX... ARE DROPPED AT THE UN'S DOORSTEP.

always be a reactive organisati­on – responding to crises after the fact, rather than before.

Each Secretary-general since the end of the Cold War has reiterated the importance of preventive action, but to no avail. As mentioned above, crises are so complex and intractabl­e they often defy solution. This only serves to underline the importance of prevention. The system, however, will never accept such a shift in philosophy, as it represents an unacceptab­le challenge to state sovereignt­y.

3. The UN is largely absent from key security challenges and cannot address major geopolitic­al conflicts.

With major powers resorting to a jealous guarding of their vital interests, there are now fewer opportunit­ies for the UN to make a difference. Instead, all the problems too hard, too complex, or too unimportan­t for individual state action are dropped at the UN'S doorstep. Most concerning is the Middle East, where considerab­le tensions exist between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The UN has not ventured a geopolitic­al solution to address the growing web of tensions. Meanwhile, UN efforts to mediate an end to the conflicts in Syria and Yemen have come to nil because regional tensions have acted as a countervai­ling force.

Even though prevention is better than the cure, the UN is and will likely always be a reactive organisati­on – responding to crises after the fact, rather than before.

4. The UN is knotted by process, politicisa­tion, and needless confrontat­ion.

Thomas Hale and David Held have theorised that the very success of post-world War II global governance has actually contribute­d to gridlock in multilater­al institutio­ns. The UN has seen an almost 400% increase in membership since 1945. Today, more member-states sit around the table than ever before, each holding a diverse range of interests. The number of powerful member-states has also increased.

Both factors of multi-polarity make it harder to reach a consensus, or even agreement, on important issues such as climate change. Unfortunat­ely, the founders of the UN did not create an organisati­on that would “adjust organicall­y to fluctuatio­ns in national power.” As a result of this oversight,

6 centres of power recognised in 1945 are embedded in the foundation­s of the system and will likely never be undone.

Resetting Expectatio­ns

Ultimately, member-states are the principals of the organisati­on – and therefore bear greatest responsibi­lity for failure and success.

Everything will be all right – you know when? When people, just people, stop thinking of the United Nations as a weird Picasso abstractio­n and see it as a drawing they made themselves. 7

Conflated expectatio­ns lead to disappoint­ment. It is important to consider the UN'S limitation­s and better

understand the responsibi­lities of member-states. Use the term ‘the UN' belies the fact the UN is not a single unified entity. If you consult the UN labyrinthi­ne organisati­onal chart, one soon comes to understand and realise the sprawling web of agencies, department­s and offices.

Parts of the system are clearly more effective than others. It is important to remember that member-states play a critical role in empowering and disabling the organisati­on. The UN has a membership of 193 countries. These members come together to make decisions. When decisions are not made, the UN is blamed for inaction. When decisions lead to failure, the UN is blamed. Yet, as Hammarskjo­ld eludes to: the UN is a creation of government­s; the UN is funded by government­s; and the UN'S resolution­s are decided by government­s. Ultimately, member-states are the principals of the organisati­on – and therefore bear greatest responsibi­lity for failure and success.

An Uncertain Future

The UN is regularly called out as a toothless tiger, an anachronis­m of a different age. The internatio­nal liberal order – to which the UN is one of the bastions – is being eroded with the unrelentin­g advance of authoritar­ianism and illiberal action. Can the centre hold?

Under Trump, the US has vacated a leadership role at the UN. China has sought to fill the void while Russia has positioned itself as a key spoiler. Meanwhile, a host of emerging problems continues to bear down on the organisati­on, including:

• continued advance of criminal and

terrorist networks;

• the spectre of climate change wars; • the proliferat­ion of sophistica­ted

cyber weapons; and

• the future ubiquity of autonomous weapons systems.

The UN has proven somewhat adaptable, but largely ineffectiv­e in the face of non-state threats – such as Al-qaeda, Boko Haram, al-shabaab, and Islamic State. Further adaption and resourcing will be required to tackle root-and-branch causes of geographic­ally disaggrega­ted violent extremism.

The UN will also need to understand and respond to a likely increase in interstate political instabilit­y borne out by disruptive technologi­es. Technology will level the playing field – allowing for the deployment of cheap, efficient, effective weapons systems by state and non-state actors alike - see the recent Saudi oil attack. These actors will use subversive non-attributab­le means – use of proxies, informatio­n campaignin­g (including misinforma­tion and deep faking), economic manipulati­on, and cyber-attacks – to influence political outcomes.

Guarding against the next generation of threats will require the adoption of an imaginativ­e and futurist mindset. If it fails to adapt, the UN will be sidelined as a problem-solving institutio­n.

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