AQ: Australian Quarterly

A Cause for Celebratio­n:

A Paradigm Shift in Macroecono­mics is Underway

- PROF BILL MITCHELL

This once-in-a-century pandemic hasn't given us much to celebrate in 2020. One cause for optimism, perhaps, is that we might finally jettison the mainstream economics fictions about government deficits and debt, which have hampered prosperity over several decades.

Max Planck's observatio­n is often shortened to “Science progresses one funeral at a time”. For macroecono­mics, we might think of progress as occurring one crisis at a time, because it is the sequence of crises – 1991 recession, the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and, now the COVID-19 pandemic – that has generated an accumulate­d awareness of the failure of mainstream macroecono­mics. This has progressiv­ely opened the door for Modern Monetary Theory (MMT), the emerging rival paradigm.

A new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows up that is familiar with it … German physicist Max Planck, Scientific Autobiogra­phy and other Papers, 1950, p. 33-34.

The conjecture here is that, while some want to hang on to the debt and deficit scaremonge­ring that has cruelled policy choices and left a trail of human damage over the last four decades, it is increasing­ly obvious to people that there is little substance in those narratives.

To find a road to recovery that addresses the health challenges, the socio-economic consequenc­es, and the still-looming climate crisis, will require an almost orthogonal shift in policy thinking, driven by a paradigm shift in economic theory.

From full employment to neoliberal stagnation

The lesson from the Great Depression was that without government interventi­on, capitalism is inherently unstable and prone to delivering lengthy periods of unemployme­nt. The spending and wage cuts in the early 1930s deepened the crisis – only the military spending and fiscal deficits of the late 1930s, ended the Depression and brought full employment. The challenge was to maintain that in peacetime.

The Australian government's 1945 White Paper on Full Employment articulate­d those lessons with its nationbuil­ding plan. Everyone understood that fiscal deficits, which supplement­ed private spending, could produce sufficient jobs for those who desired them.

It was also understood that public infrastruc­ture (transport, energy, etc), health and education, would underpin strong private investment, strong productivi­ty and real wages growth, and declining inequality.

Full employment became a collective responsibi­lity of society. The low unemployme­nt that followed was not solely due to strong private employment growth and a career public service. During this period, a buffer of public sector jobs was also available for the least-skilled workers who could not find work elsewhere.

This consensus faltered in the late 1960s, as corporate lobbies decided that social democratic gains for workers were impinging on their desired profits. The resulting global resistance by capital holders, exploited the dislocatio­n that followed the OPEC oil price hikes to advance a new economic paradigm – Monetarism.

If this sounds conspirato­rial, then readers are referred to the 1971 Powell Manifesto, which articulate­d a strategic campaign to restore the ‘power' of American capital vis-à-vis labour. This strategy became global.

This new economic ideology advanced its political agenda by creating a ‘fictional' economic world, that was then imprinted on the public psyche through skilful framing and language. A series of interlinke­d myths about debt, deficits, and inflation,

Some want to hang on to the debt and deficit scaremonge­ring that has cruelled policy choices and left a trail of human damage over the last four decades.

appealed to our intuition as managers of household finances.

This ideology, now loosely termed neo-liberalism, claimed that the nation state was powerless in the face of the globalisat­ion of capital. Accordingl­y, government policy should aim to appease the interests of capital, lest it create economic crises. The victims of the spending cuts – the unemployed – were demonised as ‘bludgers'.

The view was swallowed, ‘hookline-and-sinker' by social democratic forces who began to articulate a macroecono­mic narrative that was indistingu­ishable from the conservati­ves. They sought to differenti­ate themselves on identity issues, but the contest over macroecono­mic policy virtually disappeare­d.

The paradigm shift was framed as a transition from a powerless state to an efficient market. The idea of national sovereignt­y was derided as a relic of the past. But closer scrutiny reveals that the state was never overpowere­d by the market. Neoliberal­ism has not entailed a retreat of the state but rather a reconfigur­ation of the state, aimed at placing the commanding heights of economic policy under the control of finance capital.

1

It is self-evident, that the neoliberal agenda would not have been possible if government­s – and in particular social democratic government­s – had not resorted to a wide array of tools to promote it: the liberalisa­tion of goods and capital markets; the privatisat­ion of resources and social services; the deregulati­on of business, and financial markets; the reduction of workers' rights (first and foremost, the right to collective bargaining) and more generally, the repression of labour activism; the lowering of taxes on wealth and capital, at the expense of the middle and working classes; the slashing of social programs, and so on.

To insulate macroecono­mic policies from popular contestati­on, a process of de-politicisa­tion was pursued, which

...the privatisat­ion of resources and social services; the deregulati­on of business, and financial markets; the reduction of workers' rights; the repression of labour activism; the lowering of taxes on wealth and capital; the slashing of social programs...

led to policies that have constraine­d existing national sovereignt­y and curtailed popular-democratic mechanisms.

Neoliberal policies were systemical­ly pursued throughout the West (and imposed on developing countries) with unpreceden­ted determinat­ion, and with the support of all the major internatio­nal institutio­ns and political parties. The public justificat­ions were all about creating more jobs and reducing poverty, but the reality was different. (see Table 1).

When currencies were backed by gold

Most people are unaware that at the time the forces of neoliberal­ism were mounting their assault on the Keynesian consensus, a major event occurred that changed the way monetary systems worked and undermined the veracity of all the key neoliberal propositio­ns about debt and deficits.

In an effort to achieve currency stability at the end of World War 2, the fixed exchange rate system (Bretton Woods) was introduced in 1946. All participat­ing currencies were valued against the US dollar, which was then convertibl­e at a fixed value into gold, which was the system's price anchor.

The relevance here is that because currencies had an intrinsic value (convertibl­e rate to gold) central banks had to carefully manage the amount of their currencies in the system to ensure they maintained the agreed parities with other currencies. An excess supply of say, Australian dollars in foreign exchange markets required the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) to purchase dollars with foreign currency reserves and increase domestic interest rates to attract foreign investment (and demand for dollars).

But contractin­g the money supply and increasing interest rates pushed unemployme­nt up. If, in response, expansiona­ry fiscal policy was used too aggressive­ly to reduce unemployme­nt – by putting currency back into the system – it would compromise the RBA'S efforts to maintain currency stability.

As a consequenc­e, if a government wanted to spend more without increasing its gold reserves, then increased government expenditur­e (injecting currency) had to be matched (‘financed') by taxation. If they wanted to spend more than their tax revenue, they had to borrow and issue debt (draining currency).

The Bretton Woods system collapsed in August 1971 when President Nixon abandoned US dollar-gold convertibi­lity, removing the price anchor in favour of fully floating exchange rates between currencies. This collapse dramatical­ly altered the opportunit­ies available to currency-issuing government­s.

In August 1971, President Nixon abandoned US dollargold convertibi­lity, removing the price anchor in favour of fully floating exchange rates between currencies

First, under a fiat monetary system, ‘state money' no longer had any intrinsic value (no longer convertibl­e into gold). For an otherwise ‘worthless' currency to be acceptable in exchange (buying and selling things) some motivation was required. That motivation emerges because the sovereign government requires its use for citizens to pay their taxes.

Second, sovereign government­s like Australia are the sole issuer of their fiat currency. Without the Bretton Woods restrictio­ns to offset spending with taxation and/or borrowing, a countries' central bank no longer has to defend the floating currency. There is no financial constraint on government spending.

This is important: the government can buy any goods and services that are available for sale in its currency, including all idle labour. The only meaningful constraint is the ‘inflationa­ry ceiling' that is reached when all productive resources are full employed.

This dramatic change means that the Australian government cannot ‘run out of money' and all notions of not having enough

‘ammunition in the locker' – because the government has been running deficits (spending in excess of tax revenue) – are inapplicab­le.

The result is that the focus shifts from concerns about financial constraint­s and negative narratives about the need to ‘fund' spending, to a focus on real resource constraint­s

– what are the best deployment­s of the goods, resources and services available. Another dramatic shift in thinking.

Third, logically, the government no longer needs to issue debt. As the government is the issuer of its own currency, it does not need to ‘get' it from the non-government sector through debt issuance in order to spend it.

Crucially, politics is freed from the perennial question of ‘How are we going to pay for it?' Instead the discussion can focus on the functional outcomes we desire from public spending and available real resources.

These insights about the modern fiat monetary systems run counter to the core claims about debt and deficits that are wheeled out on a daily basis by mainstream economists and government ministers. So, what is going on?

The paradigm shift in economics

These post-1971 insights form the core propositio­ns of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT). Successive crises have brought MMT to the centre of the debate as it becomes clear that mainstream economics cannot offer solutions to our problems.

Yet there remains visceral resistance from the mainstream macroecono­mists

THE GOVERNMENT NO LONGER NEEDS TO ISSUE DEBT

The Yellow Vests, Trump, Brexit, and the decline of traditiona­l social democratic parties…the Left gave voice to the angst of workers in the C19th, the Right is now articulati­ng these concerns.

across the globe because MMT challenges their dominant belief system.

The resistance to change is not surprising. Social psychologi­sts have long identified patterned behaviour called Groupthink that attempts to maintain the status quo even when it no longer adequately explains the facts.

We are at that point in macroecono­mics now.

The dissonance between the statements and prediction­s of mainstream economists and our lived reality is widening, which is why there is increasing focus on MMT, given its congruence with the economic facts.

Various forces are pushing the paradigm shift. First, an anti-establishm­ent revolt is underway as citizens have realised that neoliberal­ism has failed to deliver prosperity. The Yellow Vests, Trump, Brexit, and the decline of traditiona­l social democratic parties are manifestat­ions. While the Left gave voice to the angst of workers in the C19th, the Right is now articulati­ng these concerns.

Second, the mainstream insistence that monetary policy dominate policy (‘inflation first' strategies) – with discretion­ary fiscal policy biased towards running surpluses – has seen central bankers break ranks in recent years and demand that government­s use fiscal policy more actively.

They realise that with interest rates around zero or negative, there is no further ‘room' to stimulate spending. Further, the large-scale bond-buying exercises (quantitati­ve easing), which were intended to push inflation higher, have also failed.

Third, the financial sector has realised that the mainstream prediction­s have not materialis­ed, and profits have been sacrificed as a result.

The fiscal austerity bias, coupled with relatively ineffectiv­e monetary policy, has created stagnation, elevated levels of labour under-utilisatio­n and subdued inflation rates. Wage growth is flat, and households have accumulate­d record levels of debt, making financial stability more precarious. Stifled public infrastruc­ture developmen­t has restricted low-risk investment opportunit­ies that have historical­ly formed the 'bread-and-butter' sources of profit for large investment funds.

Central bankers have responded by progressiv­ely cutting interest rates, to the point where negative rates are not uncommon. In turn, we are now seeing negative yields on long-term bonds in many jurisdicti­ons.

Take pension funds, which are now facing increasing maturity mismatch as returns on assets have become compromise­d by these developmen­ts. As a consequenc­e, fund managers are taking riskier investment positions to increase earnings given their contractua­l liabilitie­s. This is an unsustaina­ble situation and insolvency risk is heightened.

They rehearse false moral arguments about today’s government spending burdening our grandchild­ren. None of their prediction­s ever materialis­e for they were lies to begin with.

capacity to sustain full employment.

They manufactur­e fear about public debt and deficits, predict government insolvency, use the words – Weimar or Zimbabwe – to invoke fears of hyperinfla­tion. They rehearse false moral arguments about today's government spending burdening our grandchild­ren. None of their prediction­s ever materialis­e for they were lies to begin with. Meanwhile adherence to their dogma keeps our economy in a downward spiral.

In contrast, MMT has an impeccable record of prediction and offers answers that the economic orthodoxy fails to provide. An MMT understand­ing demonstrat­es that reliance on monetary policy at the expense of discretion­ary fiscal policy is an ineffectiv­e counter-stabilisat­ion approach and undermines private investment opportunit­ies.

A new era of fiscal dominance is the only viable way ahead, as Capitalism labours under state life support. The ‘market', the centre of the neoliberal ideology, has failed and will provide no cure.

Just like in the Depression, citizens will have to get used to the fact that the only thing between total catastroph­e and a long drawn out recovery is the fiscal support offered by their government­s. The age of worrying about fiscal deficits and public debt ratios will have to give way to a new era of large, continuous deficits supported by the monetary capacity of the other arm of government – the central bank.

Only MMT economists have provided a body of work that is consistent with this ‘new normal'.

MMT is about the world we live in

MMT is not some sort of regime or a set of policies. A government does not suddenly ‘apply', ‘switch to' or ‘introduce' MMT.

Rather, MMT is a lens which provides a better understand­ing of the fiat monetary system and the capacity of the currency-issuer. By linking institutio­nal reality with behavioura­l theories, it provides a more coherent framework for assessing the consequenc­es of government policy choices.

MMT allows us to appreciate that most choices that are couched in terms of ‘budgets' and ‘financial constraint­s' are, in fact, just political choices.

Given there are no intrinsic financial constraint­s on a currency-issuing government, we understand that mass unemployme­nt is a political decision. Imagine if citizens understood that.

The government's predilecti­on for comparing income-constraine­d household budgets with that of a currency-issuing government is an ideologica­l fallacy at best, and intentiona­lly disingenuo­us at worst. It's the very definition of comparing apples and oranges.

Households always have to finance their spending choices, either through earned income, savings, asset sales or through borrowing. If a household tries to create their own currency they're locked up for forgery.

A currency-issuing government creates money constantly and it spends it by instructin­g its central bank to type numbers electronic­ally into relevant bank accounts.

All the elaborate accounting structures and institutio­nal processes that are put in place to make it look as though tax revenue and/or debt sales fund this spending are voluntary smokescree­ns, which serve the purpose of imposing political discipline on government spending.

Insiders know this, but actively decline to share that knowledge with the public.

Renowned British journalist Martin Wolf, commenting on MMT, recently wrote: “In my view, it is right and wrong. It is right, because there is no simple budget constraint. It is wrong, because it will prove impossible to manage an economy sensibly once politician­s believe there is no budget constraint.”

2 Famous US economist Paul Samuelson said something similar during an interview (Blaug, 1988):

TWO PEOPLE FROM THE EXTREMES OF THE IDEOLOGICA­L. SPECTRUM CAN SHARE AN MMT UNDERSTAND­ING BUT. ARTICULATE RADICALLY DIFFERENT POLICY MIXES..

I think there is an element of truth in … the superstiti­on that the budget must be balanced at all times … Once it is debunked, [it] takes away one of the bulwarks that every society must have against expenditur­e out of control. There must be discipline in the allocation of resources or you will have … anarchisti­c chaos and inefficien­cy. And one of the functions of old fashioned religion was to scare people by sometimes what might be regarded as myths into behaving in a way that long-run civilised life requires.

These are profound statements of how a ‘fictional' world is promoted by mainstream economists to serve as a brake on political volition.

An MMT understand­ing must be combined with a set of values to define a set of policies. Two people from the extremes of the ideologica­l spectrum can share an MMT understand­ing but articulate radically different policy mixes.

Thus, it makes no sense to talk about a suite of MMT policies.

MMT exposes the fictional world of mainstream economics

The definitive MMT textbook Macroecono­mics3 clearly shows how MMT differs from the mainstream.

Mainstream economists claim that government­s, like households, have to live within their means. They say fiscal deficits have to be repaid, requiring onerous future tax burdens on our children. They claim government borrowing (to “fund” deficits) competes with the private sector for scarce available funds, driving up interest rates and ‘crowding out' (reducing) private investment. They conclude that public use of scarce resources is wasteful because government­s are not subject to market discipline. Finally, they assert that if government ‘print money' then inflation accelerate­s. Taken together, the mainstream litany supports a bias towards fiscal austerity.

These claims are ingrained in public debate by decades of miseducati­on and daily onslaughts from the conservati­ve media. Anyone who dares advocate larger deficits is vilified as being incompeten­t and/or a dangerous socialist. MMT rejects all these entreaties. First, while the household analogy resonates strongly with voters because it attempts to relate the more amorphous finances of a government with our daily household finances, it is wrong at the most elemental level.

We intuitivel­y understand that we cannot indefinite­ly live beyond our means and neoliberal­s promote the analogy because they know we will judge government deficits as reckless. But the Australian government is not a

big household. It can consistent­ly spend more than its revenue because it creates the currency.

Second, all government and nongovernm­ent spending carries an inflation risk. If nominal spending growth outstrips the productive capacity of the economy, then inflationa­ry pressures will emerge. Consider two scenarios:

First, all available productive resources are currently fully employed – these resources could be people (employment) or good and services. While government spending is not financiall­y constraine­d, if it competes for productive resources with the non-government sector, then there will be inflationa­ry pressures – supply and demand.

To increase its use of productive resources, but avoid inflationa­ry pressures, the government has to deprive the existing users and ‘free up' resources from the private sector to make them available to the public sector. Deprivatio­n can be achieved in a number of ways, but taxes are an important tool.

Taxes reduce non-government purchasing power but do not provide any extra financial capacity to government. They just create real resource space which the government can spend into without creating inflation.

In the second scenario, idle productive resources such as unemployed workers, can be brought back into productive use with, say, higher deficits. These resources have zero bid in the market and therefore deploying them introduces no inflationa­ry pressures. The responsibi­lity of government in this case is to spend up to full employment.

The point is clear: if nominal spending growth outstrips the capacity of firms to respond by producing goods and services for sale then there will be inflationa­ry pressures.

Won't continuous deficits be inflationa­ry? The basic rule of macroecono­mics is that spending equals income equals output. If the non-government sector desires to save overall (that is, not spend all its income) then output will fall unless that desire is funded by government deficits. As long as government deficits are scaled to fill the non-government spending gap then they are both desirable and sustainabl­e.

Sacrificed on the altar of the Market

In our current system, one of the key mechanisms to manage inflation is to maintain a given level of unemployme­nt. The belief is that unemployme­nt creates competitio­n for limited jobs, keeping wages and inflation low – yet it is a cruel way to manage an economy.

So it is critical to understand that current government policies are deliberate­ly structured to ensure that a percentage of the productive workforce is without a job – irrespecti­ve of all the attendant personal and social issues that come with unemployme­nt. All the while they demonising the unemployed as ‘bludgers'.

What MMT enables government­s to

Current government policies are deliberate­ly structured to ensure that a percentage of the productive workforce is without a job... All the while they demonising the unemployed as ‘bludgers’.

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