The Guardian Australia

Trump lost the House, but he lives to fight – and lie – another day

- • Jonathan Freedland is a Guardian columnist Jonathan Freedland

Auseful rule for the Trump era is, listen to what the man says – and then believe the opposite. On that logic his tweet of self-congratula­tion in the early hours, praising himself for his “tremendous success” in Tuesday’s midterm elections surely suggests abject failure. And there is plenty of evidence to support that conclusion.

He has suffered a direct rebuke from the voters: if not a knockout blow, then at least a hard slap to the face. The raw numbers of the popular vote show Americans chose Democrats over Republican­s by a margin of around 8%. Were it not for the warped electoral map, with so many House districts gerrymande­red to favour Republican­s, Democrats would now be celebratin­g a landslide victory. As it was, they gained enough seats to take control of the House of Representa­tives – and, for all the commentary, that is the central fact of these midterm elections. It’s easy to forget, but Donald Trump did not just win the presidency in that shock night back in November 2016: his party also won control of both houses of Congress, handing Trump unchecked power. That era is now over.

No longer will he be able to drive through his agenda, whether on tax cuts or immigratio­n policy. Even more important, from now on there won’t be Republican enablers in charge of the key House committees, sycophants prepared to ignore evidence of corruption in the Trump administra­tion or of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Kremlin. Instead, Trump will face a hostile body armed with one of Washington’s mightiest weapons: the subpoena. Democrats can demand to interrogat­e witnesses and see documents, surely starting with Trump’s tax returns.

Democrats will be cheered by that turnaround and there is more for them to celebrate. They were competitiv­e in Republican bastions like Texas and Georgia. They quietly won senate seats or governorsh­ips in midwestern states such as Michigan, Pennsylvan­ia and Wisconsin whose defection to the Republican­s gave Trump his victory two years ago. They stirred and mobilised a base that turned out in record numbers, boosted by a new generation of candidates whose diversity reflected the nation they sought to represent. The new House will include more people of colour and, for the first time, getting on for 100 women. That figure is, of course, laughably low, but it’s still progress.

And, most striking of all, they saw Republican­s lose even while the economy is booming, with unemployme­nt at just 3.7%. According to exit poll data, 68% of Americans rate the economy as “good”, with only 31% calling it “poor”. Usually, that would spell victory for the president and his party. That Republican­s could lose in such a hospitable climate – that 56% of those surveyed could say they believe the country is on the “wrong track” – points to what Vox’s Ezra Klein rightly calls a “profound political failure on Donald Trump’s part”. His lies, his bigotry, his divisivene­ss are all acting as a drag on Republican­s, bringing them down when they should be basking in popularity.

Yet, for all that, these results are not the unambiguou­s repudiatio­n of Trumpism that many hoped for. Republican­s gained seats in the senate. Yes, the map favoured them and yes, that success is partly a function of an electoral system that allowed Republican­s to win just 32m votes in senate contests, compared with the Democrats’ 42m, and still come out ahead. But it gives Trump just enough cover for him to brag that where he campaigned, his party won – that he’s not lost his winning touch.

It also means that, while Democrats in the House can launch investigat­ions, Republican­s in the Senate can keep appointing judges. Trump retains the power to put a third justice on the supreme court, as well as packing lower benches with reliable conservati­ves who will be in place – making decisive rulings on civil rights and the like – for the next 40 years. That could prove Trump’s most lasting legacy.

What’s more, Democratic success could perversely help Trump. He can use the newly Democratic House as a punchbag and whipping boy. Come 2020, and what many predict will be a slowing economy, he will have an obvious target for blame. Not just the media, which he’s had to rely on since 2016, but the Democrats thwarting his will on Capitol Hill. If it weren’t for Nancy Pelosi and her gang, he’ll say, everything would be just great. Tuesday’s results have handed him an alibi for his own failures.

Glass half-empty progressiv­es will also lament the fact that even criminal indictment­s and the most florid racism were no bar to election for several Republican­s. Or that a compelling African-American candidate like Andrew Gillum was rejected in Florida. It seems the well-documented voter suppressio­n efforts – keeping large numbers of black voters off electoral rolls – paid off for Republican­s.

A new Democratic dawn is perenniall­y predicted in the so-called sunbelt states – one that might compensate for losses in the old rustbelt – but Tuesday made clear that Democrats will have to wait for that a little longer. Meanwhile, the party continued its decline in heavily rural states such as North Dakota, Missouri and Indiana. Trump will be particular­ly pleased that Republican­s maintained their hold of governors’ mansions in Iowa, Florida and Ohio – where they can have a useful influence in those battlegrou­nd states when he seeks re-election in 2020.

The headline on these results remains clear: Trump lost, even when the economic sun was shining. But the outlook is not as gloomy for him as some of his opponents, including those far beyond the United States, hoped. He lives to fight – and lie – another day.

 ?? Photograph: Aaron P Bernstein/Getty Images ?? ‘Democratic success could perversely help Trump and give him an alibi for his own failures.’
Photograph: Aaron P Bernstein/Getty Images ‘Democratic success could perversely help Trump and give him an alibi for his own failures.’

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