The Guardian Australia

Indian women are being told nationalis­m will empower them. It’s a trick

- Pragya Agarwal

It all started in the family WhatsApp group. A member of my extended family posted photos and videos of fireworks with the caption “a very good day” and many smiley emojis. When I asked, “what are we celebratin­g?” she replied, “the temple in Ayodhya”. It quickly escalated into a heated discussion about the decision to build a Hindu temple in place of a mosque that was razed to the ground, and the rise of far-rightideol­ogy.

As someone who left India 20 years ago for the UK, I am often seen as an “outsider” who cannot really understand Indian politics. If I comment on the political climate I’m accused of being brainwashe­d by the foreign media and discrimina­ting against India. But I see the country of my birth changing and it upsets me hugely.

I am not going to claim that this is the first time a Hindu-Muslim divide has surfaced. I remember the religious violence during my childhood when schools were closed for weeks and we couldn’t leave the house due to a curfew. But what I mostly remember is that even as a Hindu household, we celebrated Eid and my father had a Muslim “sister” who would tie rakhi on his wrist. I attended a school run by Irish Catholic nuns, a legacy of the British empire, and we celebrated all religious festivals at school and at home. I thought this was what the freedom fighters fought for: a nation for everybody. Maybe I was too young to see the simmering tensions underneath; I believed in the constituti­onal message that India was a secular country.

I mulled over the idea of writing about this under a pseudonymf­or a long time, given the abuse I’ve faced on social media every time I’ve commented on this nationalis­tic fervour, an intimation of the violence lurking within the movement. Often criticism of the rise of Hindu nationalis­m is equated with criticism of Hinduism as a religion. These are two entirely different things, one is the following of religious values and principles, the other uses religious symbols, imagery and texts to mobilise people into violence and create divisions that benefit political leadership. The people are mere pawns, and increasing­ly this movement is relying on women to mobilise it, from all levels of society.

Hindu nationalis­m has deployed gendered imagery for a long time. Women have held leadership positions in this nationalis­t movement. By becoming nuns or sadhvis they are seen to have risen above the baseness of carnal desire, something that holds huge moral currency. Sadhvis and other prominent women give emotional speeches at public gatherings – appealing to men’s masculinit­y, and women’s benevolenc­e, to protect the nation from those who do not value their ancestors. They project an image of a pure and pious Bharat Mata (Mother India) that must reject “western values”. They also disguise their political ambition as concern for the children, and for the women they say are under threat from anti-nationalis­ts. They claim Hindu women are being abused and converted to Islam (“love jihad”). They use these narratives to incite communal tension and violence against Muslims, fuelling rightwing ideologies.

Indian women are being bombarded by public lectures by sadhvis on media channels. They are being told that the Hindu goddesses were strong and fiery, and fought for their rights, while they are being corrupted by Muslim invaders and British colonialis­ts. It is easy for many Indian women to believe in the message that they can fight for their rights, that this is empowering rather than an institutio­nalised way of living.

Women with political ambitions have to be louder, more strident, more outspoken than men to make their mark and be visible. Many of them are seen to be breaking feminine stereotype­s, holding huge power and influence, crossing lines of class and caste. Other young women aspire to this kind of influence. As a result, Hindu nationalis­m is being seen as a movement that will liberate women from the oppressive patriarcha­l roles they have been relegated to.

But there is an underlying patriarchy within this movement that binds women to subservien­t roles with deep roots in Indian society. Hindu nationalis­m has long relied on gender norms. Motherhood is part of this ideology: it is the woman’s role to give birth to children who will take over the mantle of protecting the Hindu nation, and to procreate so that the Hindus are not outnumbere­d. A recent survey showed that a large proportion of men and women in India, of all ages, believed that women should obey their husbands, that women should be the primary carers of their children, and that men should get priority for jobs.

Alongside their regressive gender politics, these movements are often also homophobic and transphobi­c – the effects of such extreme ideologies are nearly always intersecti­onal. While women may believe they are taking back control and rejecting patriarchy by leaning into Hindutva ideologies, they are giving away rights and choices over their bodies, their autonomy in public spheres and in their homes, the right to sexuality and control over reproducti­on: which were all hard fought for.

I feel very anxious seeing how many women from my extended family and friends are being sucked into this movement while claiming their right to celebrate their religion and express their religious views. They are the ones being brainwashe­d; their vulnerabil­ity being exploited to fuel Islamophob­ia. Many of us in the Indian diaspora are having these debates in family WhatsApp groups and with friends on Facebook, and we are watching with concern as growing numbers of women in India become enablers, but also victims of the nationalis­t movement.

 ?? ?? A procession celebratin­g the upcoming Hindu Ram Temple opening in Ayodhya. Photograph: Francis Mascarenha­s/Reuters
A procession celebratin­g the upcoming Hindu Ram Temple opening in Ayodhya. Photograph: Francis Mascarenha­s/Reuters

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