Der Standard

Iran Cuts Economic Power Of Revolution­ary Guards

- By THOMAS ERDBRINK

TEHRAN — From its nine-story headquarte­rs in an upscale neighborho­od of Tehran, a giant constructi­on company directs its operations across Iran, building mosques, airports, oil and gas installati­ons, hospitals, and skyscraper­s.

But this is not just any company. Khatam- al Anbiya, whose name means “seal of the prophet,” is the most important economic arm of Iran’s elite Islamic Revolution­ary Guards Corps, which also oversees Iran’s missile program. It employs nearly 1.5 million people, and is led by a military commander.

Yet a crackdown on the corps is being led by Iran’s president, Hassan Rouhani, who ran for office promising to unleash economic growth by completing a nuclear deal and freeing the country from internatio­nal sanctions.

Now he has turned his sights on the Revolution­ary Guards, whose monopoly on large sectors of the economy and penchant for corrupt dealing he sees as a major drag on growth.

In this, Mr. Rouhani seems to have the support of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader.

“What I sought is that in the economy, we must have free competitio­n,” Mr. Rouhani told a group of news media executives in New York in September. “No institutio­n can use its authority to derive a benefit. We must be open and fair, and there can be no exclusivit­y in any one sector.”

For years, the constructi­on giant and numerous other companies and conglomera­tes run by the Revolution­ary Guards have operated with impunity, driving Iran’s sanctions- crippled economy, financing its military adventures in the region and enriching the hard- line commanders and clerics at their helms.

But now, with many sanctions lifted after the nuclear deal, and as the government tries to open the country to competitio­n and foreign investment, the group’s economic dominance is increasing­ly seen as a liability.

The Revolution­ary Guards’ internatio­nal reputation for regional meddling, its potential designatio­n as a terrorist group by the Trump administra­tion and the sanctions that remain in place combine to make it a toxic business partner for the Western and Asian companies Tehran needs to reinvigora­te its economy and rebuild its crumbling infrastruc­ture.

As a result, it has had its budget cut and seen large government projects that were once its private preserve steered to outsiders. Several senior members of the Revolution­ary Guards have been arrested on suspicion of corruption.

Recently, Khatam-al Anbiya was sidelined in two major oil and shipping projects, which went to bidders from France and South Korea.

Insiders say the arrests confirm the Revolution­ary Guards is now committed to curbing corruption and smuggling by its forces, which control Iran’s borders.

Tensions over the Revolution­ary Guards’ economic activities first surfaced during Mr. Rouhani’s re- election campaign in May, when he implied that the group was the primary beneficiar­y of several rounds of privatizat­ion.

“We handed our economy to a gov-

Sending soldiers to Syria and building skyscraper­s.

ernment that has guns, media, many other things, and no one dares to compete with them,” he said. “This is not privatizat­ion.”

After Mr. Rouhani’s victory in May, he had two meetings with Revolution­ary Guards commanders. As a result, they seem to be conforming.

Even the conservati­ve news media has been quietened. Two media figures affiliated with the Guards, Reza Golpour and Mohammad Hossein Rostami, were arrested and accused of cooperatin­g with Israeli intelligen­ce, the state newspaper Kayhan reported.

But the Revolution­ary Guards will not be forced entirely from the Iranian economy, said Bahman Esghi, the secretary general of the Tehran Chamber of Commerce. Since the private sector has only 20 percent of the economy, the country needs its heft.

“The reality is that the Guards Corps is the locomotive of our economy,” he said. “Our private sector simply is way too small to replace it.”

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