Der Standard

In Mexico, Trump’s Bark Lacks Bite

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This ragged town at the foot of the smoking Popocatépe­tl volcano is one of the communitie­s in Mexico with deep ties to the United States. Since the 1980s, thousands of its residents have trekked to what they call El Norte, particular­ly to New York City and the Hamptons of Long Island. For decades, migrants have mixed the cement, laid the bricks and painted the walls of grand houses there.

Many families here depend on the remittance­s sent to them by relatives who have migrated north to buy medicine for the old and schoolbook­s for the young. Family members in the United States use their earnings to help pay for a free town festival every September.

Unsurprisi­ngly, when I ask a dozen people from the plaza to the main street what they think of President Donald J. Trump, they all have negative opinions. “Trump is a hypocrite; he employs Mexicans for his buildings and then he attacks us,” said Humberto Ramos, a stocky 40-year- old with cement stains on his overalls. “The Mexicans are the ones that work the hardest there. We have helped build the country.”

But while Mr. Trump’s language angers residents here, his first year in power did not affect them as much as they feared. Migrants still send home money. In fact, last year is estimated to be a record-breaker for remittance­s, with the Central Bank of Mexico estimating that Mexicans living in the United States sent home $26.1 billion between January and November alone. Not a single brick has been laid to build Mr. Trump’s promised “beautiful wall.” And total trade between the two countries continues to grow.

“There was a lot of fear and panic, but things haven’t really changed for most people,” said Eric González, a 35-year- old electricia­n carrying a backpack full of tools. Mr. González labored on Long Island for nine years, but came home in 2009 to start a business and look after his aging parents. He still has four brothers and a sister working in New York and sending money back.

“The attacks have been more psychologi­cal,” he said. “People see stories on the news and get scared. But you have to look at the big picture.”

This gap between rhetoric and reality reflects the deep-rooted relationsh­ip between the United States and Mexico and the confusing agenda of the Trump presidency. During his campaign, Mr. Trump promised to hit Mexico with a triple whammy: building a wall and making Mexico pay for it; deporting up to three million migrants; and rewriting or scrapping the North American Free Trade Agreement. The combined effect could have thrown Mexico into deep recession as it dealt with millions of deportees and a diplomatic crisis with the world’s Number 1 military power.

A year into his presidency, this apocalypti­c scenario has not come to pass. Mr. Trump continues to bait Mexico on Twitter. “The Wall will be paid for, directly or indirectly, or through longer term reimbursem­ent, by Mexico,” he wrote on January 18. But there is no plan to extract that money while he is struggling to get Congress to pay for the first cement.

Inside the United States, policies against immigrants are felt more acutely. The removal of protection for “Dreamers,” those who immigrated as children, has left hun- dreds of thousands in fear for their future. Customs agents have been searching for undocument­ed immigrants on Greyhound buses and at 7-Eleven stores. Reports about deportatio­ns breaking up families are featured regularly on television.

But the total number of deportatio­ns also paints a more nuanced picture. In fiscal year 2017, the United States sent home about 226,000 people, fewer than in any year under President Barack Obama. One likely explanatio­n for the drop is that, under Mr. Trump, Border Patrol agents caught fewer people attempting to enter the country. Instead, immigratio­n authoritie­s focused on migrants already living in the United States, deporting 81,000 in 2017. This number represents more deportatio­ns from the interior of the country than in 2016 and 2015, but fewer than every other year of Mr. Obama’s presidency.

Of course, the consequenc­es of Mr. Trump’s stance toward Mexico and migrants may still be to come. Negotiatio­ns over Nafta continue, and Mr. Trump continues to vow that he will pull out of the deal if he doesn’t get what he likes. Immigratio­n authoritie­s may conjure up new pretexts to send home people in greater numbers. The deportatio­n of hundreds of thousands of young people who have grown up in the United States would be a humanitari­an disaster.

But immigratio­n patterns may also change independen­tly of what Mr. Trump does. Mexican migration was decreasing even before Mr. Trump kicked off his campaign. The Pew Research Center estimated last April that the number of undocument­ed Mexicans living in the United States had dropped from 6.4 million in 2009 to 5.6 million in 2016.

Several factors, including changing demographi­cs in Mexico, may have combined to cause this drop. The average number of children per family here has been decreasing sharply, which means there are fewer people in the work force and less pressure on parents to provide.

While the electricia­n, Mr. González, was one of eight siblings, he has only one child himself. He makes 250 pesos, or about $13, a day in Mexico, less than the $17 hourly wage he made painting houses on Long Island. But as we stare at the towering Popo volcano, he says he has no plans to return north. “I am my own boss here, I want to build my business,” he told me. “And this is a beautiful place to be.”

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