Gulf Today

CLEAR AND PRESENT DANGER

With nearly half of Afghanista­n’s people living in areas where the government doesn’t have full control, the Taliban could attack anywhere

- BY SHASHANK BENGALI AND SULTAN FAIZY

It was the deadliest incident involving US troops in Afghanista­n this year: An armored US military vehicle struck a roadside bomb planted by the Taliban outside the city of Ghazni, killing three service members.

Army Sgt. 1st Class Eric Michael Emond, Army Capt. Andrew Patrick Ross, and Air Force Staff Sgt. Dylan J. Elchin, were elite special operations troops deployed to what has become one of THE most Intense theaters of IGHTING in the 18th year of the war.

The city is the capital of the rugged province that has the same name and HAS long BEEN A Center of TALIBAN Inluence. But in the last few months, the insurgent group has seriously threatened zones once considered safely in Afghan government hands.

The Taliban ruled Afghanista­n until the US drove it from power in 2001. The story of how the resurgent militants have gained the upper hand in a strategica­lly vital province illustrate­s the crisis facing the Afghanista­n government as well as the Trump administra­tion, which has been grasping for a way to end the war AND For THE irst time CONSIDERIN­G DIRECT peace talks with the insurgents.

THREAT LOOMS LARGE

As early as 2015, shortly after the last US forces left Ghazni province under a NATO drawdown, the Taliban controlled more territory there than the Afghan government did, according to the Afghanista­n Analysts Network, a Kabul-based think tank.

THE Insurgents mostly Conined themselves to rural areas, collecting taxes and adjudicati­ng disputes. But starting this April, TALIBAN ighters began seizing the centers of “safe” districts close to the provincial capital, the country’s sixth-largest city, about 80 miles southwest of Kabul.

In most CASES, ighters withdrew from the district centers — which house THE ofices of local Administra­tors — As Afghan forces retook control within hours or days.

But the attacks reinforced a message that has become abundantly clear in recent years: With nearly half of Afghanista­n’s people living in areas where the government doesn’t have full control, the Taliban could attack anywhere.

In August, the militants attacked the city of Ghazni, unleashing four days of Brutal IGHTING that left more than 100 Afghan soldiers and police dead. It took a barrage of US airstrikes and the arrival of several dozen US special operations troops — some of whom sustained Injuries In THE IGHTING — to take back the city.

But the Taliban were only getting started.

ASSAULT ON JAGHORI

For more than a year, a group of shepherds in Jaghori, a peaceful highland district of apple orchards and sloping hills in western Ghazni, had been talking up the Taliban.

“They were spreading rumours about how well-equipped and dangerous the Taliban are now,” said Aref Ahmadi, a 42-year-old farmer whose family faced threats from the group starting in 2016, when a photo of his 5-year-old son wearing a homemade jersey of Argentine soccer star Lionel Messi went viral.

Jaghori was long known as one of the country’s safest districts. Made up mainly of ethnic Hazaras — a close-knit Shiite Muslim minority that has been persecuted by the Taliban and other extremists — it avoided bloodshed in part by allowing the militants to pass through their farmlands if they didn’t attack the local population.

But in early November, Ahmadi recalled, the pro-taliban shepherds suddenly disappeare­d. A couple of days later, they returned in the company of MARAUDING TALIBAN ighters, pointing out the houses of pro-government militia commanders and Hazara civilians who possessed weapons, he said.

The Taliban assault on Jaghori killed dozens of Afghan soldiers and police, and spread to the neighbouri­ng district of Malistan. Thousands of residents LED to Kabul and other cities.

When protesters marched on the presidenti­al palace in Kabul to condemn the attacks, a suicide bomber struck, killing at least six.

AFGHAN oficials say they HAVE regained control of the districts, but only about 300 families have returned, said Mohammad Arif Noori, a spokesman for the provincial governor.

“The government has told us to return in order to receive aid, but I can’t take the chance,” said Ahmadi, who LED to KABUL with HIS Family. “There’s no guarantee that the district won’t fall again.”

US STAND

Analysts say the Taliban leadership sought to strengthen its bargaining position just as its negotiator­s prepared to meet with Zalmay Khalilzad, President Trump’s special envoy to Afghanista­n, in Qatar.

The State Department has not commented on the matter, but some Afghan AND US oficials BELIEVE KHALILZAD Is urgently seeking a deal because Trump wants to announce an end to US military involvemen­t in Afghanista­n before the 2020 presidenti­al election.

The Taliban — an ethnic Pashtundom­inated group with roots in southern Afghanista­n — has increased its territory in northern areas populated by ethnic Tajiks and Uzbeks. By occupying Hazara areas, the group could show it controlled lands where all four of Afghanista­n’s major ethnic groups lived.

“They wanted to enter into this dialogue with a strong message that they have large geographic areas under their control,” said Mohammad Arif Shah Jahan, a former intelligen­ce chief in Ghazni.

FEAR COMPOUNDED

The Ghazni attacks have added to fears the Taliban is exacting too heavy a toll on the Afghan military.

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani recently acknowledg­ed that more than 28,000 Afghan soldiers and police had BEEN killed SINCE 2015 — A igure that surpassed even the gloomier estimates. (About 2,200 US service members have been killed in Afghanista­n since the 2001 invasion.)

There are other problems in Kabul. Results from nationwide parliament­ary elections in October — which weren’t even held in Ghazni because of insecurity — have yet to be announced because of widespread problems with new biometric devices used to verify voter identities.

The chaos has led to speculatio­n that the presidenti­al election scheduled for next April will be postponed, dealing another blow to the legitimacy of Ghani’s government and strengthen­ing the Taliban.

“The Taliban are looking for political fragmentat­ion in Kabul so they can engage directly with individual political groups, and they could become the major force,” said Haroun Mir, a political analyst.

MODUS OPERANDI

Inghazni,talibanigh­terslurkou­tside the city gates. Abdul Salam, a 22-year-old student who lives four miles outside the city, near where the US service members were killed in the bombing, said residents were caught in the middle.

TALIBAN ighters DEMAND Food AND shelter, so some families have taken to storing irewood In THEIR Guesthouse­s so that no one asks to stay there, he said in a phone interview.

The insurgents have also repeatedly cut power lines, plunging the city into semidarkne­ss as winter approaches.

But the Afghan government has failed Ghazni by failing to send adequate troops or supplies to the city, Salam said.

“We don’t feel safe day or night,” he said.

 ?? File/reuters ?? A member of the Afghan security forces stands guard next to damaged army vehicles after a Taliban attack in Ghazni city, Afghanista­n, on August 15, 2018.
File/reuters A member of the Afghan security forces stands guard next to damaged army vehicles after a Taliban attack in Ghazni city, Afghanista­n, on August 15, 2018.

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