Gulf Today

Mistrust of US underpins revival of Iran N-deal

Iran needs to return to enriching uranium with older centrifuge­s to 3.67 purity in order to create a limited stockpile, export excess uranium and uranium enriched to 20 and 60 per cent, and allow UN experts full access to all sites

- Michael Jansen,

Ahead of last Friday’s launch of the fourth round of talks on reviving the nuclear deal with Iran, an unidentifi­ed senior US state department official predicted that the return by the US and Iran to the accord is “doable” before Iran’s presidenti­al election in June. He said the US is prepared to re-enter the deal, known as the Joint Comprehens­ive Plan of Action ( JCPOA), and lit sanctions so that Iran is able to enjoy the financial and economic benefits of the 2015 deal from which Donald Trump withdrew in May 2018 and imposed ruinous sanctions.

The official’s remarks were the first positive comments made by a member of the Biden administra­tion since the Vienna talks began. He also claimed President Joe Biden gives this issue high priority. This seems to be a change in tone ater more than three months of procrastin­ation although Biden has repeatedly pledged to rejoin the JCPOA.

The official asked, Is it “possible that we’ll see a mutual return to compliance in the next few weeks, or an understand­ing of a mutual return to compliance? It’s possible, yes. Is it ikely? Only time will tell. Because as I said, this is ultimately a mater of a political decision that needs to be made in Iran” to return to compliance as defined in the JCPOA. According to him, Iran has not said what it will do to return to compliance.

The aim of the official’s briefing — which has been dubbed “lawyerly” — appears to prepare the way to blame Iran if the Vienna talks fail to close the gaps between the sides.

Iran needs to return to enriching uranium with older centrifuge­s to 3.67 purity in order to create a limited stockpile, export excess uranium and uranium enriched to 20 and 60 per cent, and allow UN experts full access to all sites. Iran is, reportedly, dragging its feet over its installati­on of advanced centrifuge­s barred by the deal. This is understand­able as it is said the US wants these to be destroyed rather than stored in warehouses. Finally, Iran wants a guarantee that the US will not be able to withdraw from the deal again.

Earlier this month, Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator Abbas Araghci said the Eu-brokered negotiatio­ns have been “moving slowly.” This is because Iran, Britain, France, Germany, Russia and China, signatorie­s of the JCPOA, and the US, which is not, “have started to write texts in some areas.” He said that “we will continue to negotiate until the two sides positions come close to one another.” He revealed that agreement has been reached on the energy sector, automobile manufactur­e, insurance, and banking although talks continue on most of these issues. He argued sanctions on individual­s, including the supreme guide, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, must also be lited.

If the Biden team continues to insist on sanctions unacceptab­le to Tehran, it will blame the failure of the talks on Washington but the tame global media will almost certain accept the US claim that Iran would be responsibl­e.

Iran’s official demand is for the liting of “all” US sanctions although the US has deemed this is “unacceptab­le.” Therefore, the success or failure of the Vienna negotiatio­ns depends on agreement on how many and what sanctions are to be lited.

Both the Biden administra­tion and Iran’s moderate faction headed by outgoing President Hassan Rouhani are under strong pressure to kill the JCPOA from respective hardliners who opposed, and continue to reject, the deal. In the US, the anti-iran camp comprises hawkish legislator­s, lobbies, and pro-israeli organisati­ons; in Iran the anti-jcpoa-anti-us camp consists of commanders of the Revolution­ary Guards Corps, parliament­arians, and some clerics. In the US, 60 per cent of the public favour the JCPOA; in Iran backing for the deal has fallen to the low 30s.

Members of the Iranian elite and the public do not trust either the US, which abruptly abandoned the deal, or Europe, which did not seriously seek to evade US sanctions in order to provide Iran relief from measures which dramatical­ly cut its oil exports, contracted its economy, and punished Iranians by denying them jobs and essential imported goods, services, and medical supplies.

Sanctions have become increasing­ly harmful as Covid has ravished entire communitie­s.

Unfortunat­ely, Iranian foreign minister Javad Zarif, the champion of the deal, has lost the full confidence and crucial backing of Ayatollah Khamenei, without which Iran would never have signed the JCPOA, adhered to compliance for a full year ater its abandonmen­t by the US, and agreed to ongoing negotiatio­ns which will require compromise­s on both sides if the deal is to be revived.

Khamenei is annoyed with Zarif due to the leak of portions of a recorded seven-hour confidenti­al interview with a think tank collecting material on the last decade of the Iranian revolution­ary regime. In particular, Zarif frankly and openly criticised the Quds Force of the Revolution­ary Guards, and its commander General Qassem Soleimani, for making foreign policy by intervenin­g militarily in the affairs of other countries. Zarif claimed Soleimani rejected the JCPOA and atempted to convince Russia, one of its signatorie­s, to torpedo the deal. Zarif’s criticism of Soleimani crossed a “red line” for many Iranians and particular­ly for Khamenei. Since his assassinat­ion by a US drone strike in Baghdad in January 2020, Soleimani has become a national hero and, even, a saint. Zarif has been obliged to apologise to the Soleimani family for his lack of sensitivit­y.

Khamenei has lashed out at Zarif, without naming him, by calling his remarks about the military’s influence in politics and foreign affairs a “big mistake.” This assessment has weakened Zarif at a crucial moment in the JCPOA negotiatio­ns. At his insistence, Iran refused to talk directly to the US and insist the negotiatio­ns take place among the remaining signatorie­s working at one venue and the outlier US contributi­ng from another site via a European Union mediator.

This modus operandi shamed and humiliated the US for its abandonmen­t of the deal.

Khamenei’s criticism could very well veto Zarif as a presidenti­al candidate nominated by the moderate camp, particular­ly if there is litle progress in the Vienna talks or they collapse.

A former revolution­ary himself, Zarif has, since 2003, been an advocate of a “Grand Bargain,” a plan to resolve all issues between Iran and the US, where he received his university education. Zarif and his US counterpar­t, John Kerry, played major roles in the formulatio­n of the JCPOA, signed in mid-2015 and implemente­d in midJanuary 2016. As number two in the Obama administra­tion, Biden also has a stake in reviving its major internatio­nal accomplish­ment as does Khamenei, who is the ultimate authority in Iran.

Political Correspond­ent

 ?? Agence France-presse ?? Abbas Araghchi (centre), political deputy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran, leaves the ‘Grand Hotel Wien’ after the closed-door nuclear talks in Vienna on Friday.
Agence France-presse Abbas Araghchi (centre), political deputy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran, leaves the ‘Grand Hotel Wien’ after the closed-door nuclear talks in Vienna on Friday.

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