Gulf Today

Future for America and China will look far bleaker if foreign direct investment starts to wither

- David Fickling,

The web of commercial ties spun between the world’s two largest economies over the past two decades is fraying. Early in the US Democratic primary, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris came across as two of the least confrontat­ional candidates on China issues. Their administra­tion, however, is offering not so much a break with Trump-era trade tensions, as continuity and escalation.

The US government is working on a digital trade pact that would set standards on data protection and e-commerce, and aims to isolate China, people familiar with the mater told Bloomberg News last week. American diplomats won’t restart the strategic economic dialogue meetings that were a cornerston­e of Us-china relations under the George W. Bush and Obama administra­tions and were abandoned under Donald Trump, and the Biden administra­tion Friday warned businesses operating in Hong Kong that they faced risks similar to those of operating in mainland China.

How much does all this mater? It depends a lot on the role you think commercial ties play in maintainin­g the uneasy peace between great powers. During the Cold War, the division of the world into capitalist and communist blocs, which barely traded, sharpened the threat that conflict could break out at any moment. In the atermath, it was commonly argued that the spread of liberal internatio­nalism and free trade was puting such risks into abeyance.

That’s not a new idea. “If commerce were permited to act to the universal extent it is capable, it would extirpate the system of war,” the Anglo-american philosophe­r and revolution­ary Thomas Paine once wrote. If he was right about that, though, it’s hard to explain Paine’s own role in the colonies’ war of independen­ce against their largest trading partner, Britain.

Indeed, the examples of war breaking out between major trading partners are legion. “The telegraph and the bank have rendered military force economical­ly futile,” the British Nobel Peace Prize winner Norman Angell wrote in one influentia­l tract, The Great Illusion. Five years ater that book was published, the Anglo-german tensions he’d dismissed broke out into the destructio­n of the First World War. Far from being an instrument of peace, trade itself became a weapon of war, as British dreadnough­ts imposed a blockade to starve Germany of raw materials and Berlin sent out U-boats to atack merchant shipping.

That suggests trade is far less of a deterrent to worsening relations than you might suppose. One study last October led by academics at Hong Kong’s Lingnan University found that while improving political relations with China were always associated with increased trade between 1981 and 2019, higher trade volumes led to deteriorat­ing relations almost as oten as they improved them.

Still, there’s one key difference between the current situation and those in pre-revolution­ary America and prewar Europe: investment.

Disruption­s to goods commerce heal themselves remarkably quickly, as importers and exporters find alternativ­e sources of supply and demand — just look at what’s happened to Australian barley, which barely paused for breath ater China in 2018 started an anti-dumping investigat­ion, cuting off more than half of the export market. Demand was replaced by Saudi Arabia and other countries.

But foreign direct investment in real physical assets doesn’t recover so easily in the event of conflict. If two nations go to war, the factories and facilities of foreign companies are at risk of expropriat­ion. That makes them into long-term bets on the health of the bilateral relationsh­ip — and their owners can be expected to act as vigorous lobbyists for peace when relations are looking rocky.

Those who want to avoid a deepening rit should welcome signs that US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, at least, wants to see a thaw. The Trump administra­tion’s trade tariffs hurt American consumers and the countries should maintain their economic integratio­n, she told the New York Times in an interview published Monday.

As with any partnershi­p, what you get out of an internatio­nal relationsh­ip depends on what you put into it. If investment now starts to wither, the future for the US and China will look far bleaker.

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