Botswana Guardian

William Ruto: How Kenya’s new president took on powerful political dynasties

- ( The Conversati­on)

William Samoei Ruto, 55, has been declared the winner of Kenya’s presidenti­al election. He is the leader of the United Democratic Alliance party under the Kenya Kwanza ( Kenya First) coalition. Ruto defeated his main rival in the election Raila Odinga, 77, who was running under the rival Azimio la Umoja ( Unity Declaratio­n) coalition.

He becomes Kenya’s first sitting deputy president to succeed the incumbent following competitiv­e elections and first candidate to win the presidency at first attempt.

The declaratio­n of the results was temporaril­y disrupted amid chaotic scenes by the losing candidate’s supporters alleging irregulari­ties. The situation was thrown into further disarray when four commission­ers broke ranks, held a separate press conference and denounced the results as “opaque”.

Ruto won the polls in spite of a sustained pushback by the incumbent, Uhuru Kenyatta, his former ally who chose instead to back his former archrival and longtime opposition leader Raila Odinga.

Kenyatta and Ruto are former allies: Ruto campaigned for Kenyatta during his first presidenti­al attempt in 2002, which he lost. Both were indicted by the Internatio­nal Criminal Court ( ICC) as the suspected mastermind­s of the mass atrocities that followed the disputed 2007 elections. They then teamed up to contest in 2013. They prevailed in 2017 as well, but not before the Supreme Court annulled the first round.

After their falling out, however, Ruto characteri­sed Kenyatta and Odinga as the embodiment­s of dynastic politics and entitlemen­t. The two are sons of Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first president and first vice president respective­ly. In a way, Ruto prevailed against the state, powerful elites, a biased media, the intelligen­tsia, civil society and jaundiced polling firms. His victory is historic and phenomenal.

As an outlier in Kenya’s political power matrix, which is dominated by a tiny clique related by familial and economic ties and adept at manipulati­ng tribalism to capture the state, Ruto was elbowed out by the establishm­ent. But he has somersault­ed back by appealing directly to the masses, his original constituen­cy.

RUTO VERSUS STATUS QUO

For almost six decades, political and economic power has been confined within a group around Kenya’s first two presidents – Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi. Raila Odinga joined this group in the sunset years of Moi’s tenure and counted on it to propel him to power in the just concluded elections. The group has leverage over state agencies and the security apparatus. It exploits state power to advance commercial interests spread across the entire gamut of Kenya’s economy.

Kenyatta’s family, for instance, has vast business interests. The Mois are also fabulously wealthy . Ruto has accused these families of state capture – exploiting their control of the state to enrich themselves primitivel­y.

Ruto is also certainly a man of means. According to his opponents in the government he too has extensive business interests. It’s for this reason that Ruto has been accused of hypocrisy for championin­g the downtrodde­n, or ordinary Kenyans whom he refers to as “hustlers”.

Pivotal to Ruto’s campaign was his bottom- up economic model. Its pillars are the dispersal of economic and political opportunit­ies, and dignifying the poor. It invokes equity, inclusivit­y, social justice and fair play.

His “hustler nation” movement was buoyed by mass unemployme­nt, poverty, inequaliti­es and state excesses such as extrajudic­ial executions and runaway corruption.

Ruto successful­ly reinvented himself as the agent of class consciousn­ess hitherto absent in Kenya’s political discourse and competitio­n. By rebranding himself as the antithesis of the status quo and personific­ation of the hopes of the poor, his messaging resonated with a cross spectrum of the marginalis­ed.

As the victor, his work is cut out for him. He will have to overhaul Kenya’s socioecono­mic and political edifice to assuage the restless and disenchant­ed populace. He has to provide leadership that will disabuse the Kenyan society of tribal consciousn­ess, embed civic values and national identity. If he does not, he risks becoming a casualty of his success.

THE MAKING OF A WINNER

Following disputed elections in 2017, Kenyatta and his close allies embarked on a campaign of vilificati­on against Ruto. He was soon edged out of the government and remained as Kenyatta’s principal assistant in law only. Kenyatta transferre­d his official responsibi­lities as deputy president to a loyal cabinet minister in an attempt to whittle down the office and clip Ruto’s political wings.

The aim was to delegitimi­se and frustrate him into resigning, thus knocking him out of the succession race. Ruto exhibited resilience despite the frustratio­ns.

In Kenya’s media, including social media, Ruto was the villain; the bogeyman. Through newspaper headlines, hashtags, prime time news and talk shows, he was cynically depicted as the skunk of Kenya’s politics solely associated with vices such as corruption, land grabs, impunity, unbridled ambition, insolence, warlord politics, and ethnic cleansing. He exploited this sense victimhood to his advantage.

These vices, however, pervade Kenya’s political landscape and the depiction was more informatio­n by partisansh­ip than moral rectitude. His accusers are no better.

Ruto cut his political teeth under the mentorship of the long- serving autocrat Daniel arap Moi in the early 1990s. Facing presidenti­al opponents for the first time in 1992, Moi mobilised the youth vote with the help of young politician­s, under an outfit known as Youth for KANU ‘ 92. Ruto was one of the youthful politician­s who crafted the successful – but equally infamous – re- election strategy in 1992. This involved Moi sanctionin­g the printing of money used to bribe voters, among other things.

Ruto’s entry into parliament in 1997 was in defiance of his mentor. Moi, a fellow Kalenjin from the Rift Valley, had tried to prevail on Ruto not to run. Moi exited in 2002 and Ruto astutely won over the Kalenjin voting bloc and used it as a launching pad into national politics. Moi had wanted to bequeath it to his son, Gideon. Hence the fallout between Moi and Ruto.

The Kenyatta- Moi- Odinga axis, which Ruto has propped up in the past, turned against him, fearful that he would end their economic and political strangleho­ld. They perceived Ruto – relatively young, astute, ambitious, prescient and gallant – as a threat to their dubious privileges. Now that Ruto, has won the presidency, time will tell whether their fears were exaggerate­d.

In 2010, Ruto stood out from this coterie and mobilised against the passage of the current constituti­on. He later defended his stand on the grounds that he did not approve of some parts of the constituti­on – but embraced it once it was passed.

He faulted Kenyatta for violating the same constituti­on through blatant defiance of numerous court orders and weaponisin­g oversight bodies and state agencies against Ruto and his allies. Ruto also accused Kenyatta and Odinga of a conspiracy to illegally amend the constituti­on to consolidat­e their power, and entrench ethnicity through the Building Bridges Initiative. The attempt was quashed as unconstitu­tional by the high court, appeals court and finally the supreme court.

POLITICAL TRACTION

Despite his rhetoric, Ruto is a creature of Kenya’s political culture, notorious for a lack of scruples. Its elite is anglophile in outlook, and disdainful of the poor. It is also mired in impunity and tribalism.

What is significan­t is that Ruto’s reframing of the political discourse into hustlers versus dynasties has accorded him traction, helped him win the presidency and set the tempo of this election despite the outgoing government’s abysmal scorecard. He made the election about the rule of law, constituti­onalism, equalisati­on of economic opportunit­ies for the poor and marginalis­ed and political competitio­n based on cross cutting social economic interests.

This contrasted with Odinga, who publicly defined himself as the status quo candidate, an extension of Kenyatta tenure and therefore out to preserve the exclusive political and economic arrangemen­t that dates to colonialis­m. It was a move that cost him the presidency on the fifth attempt.

The stakes are high for Kenyans. The Ruto victory has broken the back of dynastic dominance of Kenya’s politics and economy. Peripheral actors will emerge rise as he reorganise­s Kenya’s state and politics. As to whether Ruto will live to his lofty promises and pries open the economy for the benefit of all, that remains an open question.

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