Botswana Guardian

BDF should stay away from the DRC Mission

- Thabo Masokola

The battlefiel­d in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo ( DRC) is cluttered. It is guacamole of regional forces, European mercenarie­s, militias, bandits and bountyhunt­ers.

They are all pinning their being there on M23 rebel group. They are either for or against. But as history proves beyond doubt, the troubles of the DRC, predate the present, in particular, the M23.

That DRC’s lush and forested eastern borderland­s have long served as an operating base for multiple armed groups is not a discovery. That the mineral- rich eastern provinces are a bloody playground for multiple players, is also not a discovery.

Recent estimates, indicate that more than 250 local and 14 foreign- armed groups are active in the eastern DRC. M23, which is primarily made up of ethnic Tutsis, is the most prominent of these. M23 considers itself a convention­al army, rather than an armed group” and has sophistica­ted firepower and equipment.

Following deployment of SADC contingent in the DRC, there is a new interestin­g twist to the story. Burundi has officially announced its forces would be joining SADC forces against M23.

The move speaks of profound intent on the part of Burundi- DRC alliance, which naturally would invite response from Rwanda and its regional allies.

Whichever way Rwanda and its allies responds the resultant would be hyper- escalation in the conflict. But why is Burundi so heavily involved in the DRC conflict? Just like the DRC, Burundi is pointing fingers at Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame for stirring instabilit­y in Burundi.

It accuses Rwanda of materially backing Red Tabara, a Burundian rebel group operating in the eastern DRC with sanctuary in Rwanda. In turn, the Tutsi- led Rwandan government of President Kagame accuses DRC and Burundi of backing the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda ( FDLR), an ethnic Hutu rebel militia.

Recently, the US released a statement openly accusing Rwanda of backing M23. But in the context of US- Rwanda relations, the statement is a despicable equivocati­on. President Kagame is the US’ ‘ go- to- guy’ in the continent.

On the other hand, there is Uganda in the DRC. Ugandan troops have been fighting in eastern DRC since 2021 as part of a joint operation to dismantle the Allied Democratic Forces ( ADF), a militant group affiliated with ISIS.

The ADF, designated a terror group by the United States and Uganda, originated in Uganda in the 1990s but now operates from North Kivu. And then, there are European mercenarie­s.

There is Agemira and Congo Protection. In 2022, Tshisekedi called for young men and women in the east of Congo to form vigilance groups to fight against M23. In 2023, a government decree legalised the militias within its army.

It brought local self- defence and allied armed groups together in an alliance known as Wazalendo and accords them military and financial support.

How then can a profession­al army, that wholly subscribes to Geneva Convention like the Botswana Defence Force ( BDF) be expected to operate optimally in such a terrain? It is an impossible request.

The security environmen­t in the DRC is defined by the inescapabl­e with rule of the jungle; eat or be eaten. None of all these diverse players are there to ‘ help’ the DRC. They are all there to grab whatever they can, and safeguard it.

Botswana has never demonstrat­ed hawkish and predatory habits both in her foreign policy and economic ambitions. The DRC is a jungle of misery and the chasm of death. It is a place for economic hitmen and political daredevils.

And all these are not part of our political DNA. We therefore, do not have what it takes to set foot in the DRC. Some intelligen­ce assessment­s are speaking of a strong relationsh­ip between M23, Rwanda and Israel’s security services.

And for the many traversing the intelligen­ce archipelag­o, this is not a discovery. Otherwise, why would M23 have Israel’s Elbit Systems, Stylet GMM?

Actually, it is safe to assume that the M23 may also be enjoying covert patronage of the CIA and France’s Directorat­e- General for External Security ( DGSE).

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