Mmegi

Mozambique shifts gear with its new strategy for the north

- BORGES NHAMIRRE*

MAPUTO: Five years after violent extremists began attacking Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province, the country is developing its first counter-terrorism strategy. This Resilience and Developmen­t Strategy for the North is expected to be funded by donors to the tune of hundreds of millions of dollars.

Written by the government with input from donors, it is scheduled to be approved by the Cabinet in the first half of 2022. The strategy is the first official document to recognise the role of internal factors in creating the conflict. It cites socio-economic inequaliti­es, frustratio­n related to the exploitati­on of natural resources, especially amongst youth in the north, political and economic exclusion, and perceived marginalis­ation by the local population.

But is this mere rhetoric to solicit funding? And funding for what – or who? Or does the new strategy show a genuine change in attitude by Mozambique’s government?

On paper, the strategy represents a major change in the government’s approach to the insurgency, which it initially called an ‘external aggression perpetrate­d by terrorists.’ As recently as December 2021, President Filipe Nyusi told lawmakers that ‘what we are facing is pure banditry driven by others’ greed against a nation that is about to make [a] qualitativ­e and quantitati­ve leap.’ The strategy is a step forward as it proposes solutions to local problems that drive the insurgency. Through the strategy, Maputo intends to mobilise funding to prevent and counter violent extremism in Cabo Delgado and its neighbouri­ng provinces of Niassa and Nampula, which share the same social and economic structure. Donors already ‘shortliste­d’ include the African Developmen­t Bank, World Bank, United Nations and European Union – all of whom made inputs into the strategy. The final budget is estimated at hundreds of millions of dollars, to be disbursed in three phases over five years.

Other donors might also be forthcomin­g. At the Southern African Developmen­t Community’s January 12 heads of state extraordin­ary summit in Lilongwe, leaders welcomed the idea of an internatio­nal conference to support Cabo Delgado’s economic and social reconstruc­tion. They called on internatio­nal partners to back the initiative.

The Resilience and Developmen­t Strategy for the North has three pillars: support for the constructi­on of peace, security and social cohesion; reconstruc­tion of the social contract between the state and the population; and recovery economics and resilience. These will be carried out by a government agency. The first pillar aims to strengthen social cohesion, including between displaced people and host communitie­s. It intends to develop state and community capacity to build peace and reconcilia­tion through participat­ory dialogue and actions to prevent violent extremism and radicalism. It also aims to support inclusive justice and community security, and facilitate cross-border cooperatio­n to strengthen citizenshi­p and business.

By recognisin­g internal grievances as a conflict driver, FRELIMO has to acknowledg­e its governance failures.

The second pillar covers fair access to public services, and strengthen­ing inclusive governance and citizen participat­ion. It also intends to fight corruption, and ensure redistribu­tion and fiscal transparen­cy. It aims to promote sustainabl­e and participat­ory management of land and natural resources, and support social housing, particular­ly for young people. The third pillar deals with repairing the damage caused to livelihood­s, especially in the agricultur­al, fisheries and forestry sectors. It promotes economic recovery through supporting the private sector, including the tourism industry, and fixing and maintainin­g infrastruc­ture. The focus is on improving the role of extractive activities in the socio-economic integratio­n of Niassa, Cabo Delgado and Nampula’s people. Better access to financial services and capacity building is also included.

The strategy is a step forward as it proposes solutions to local problems that are driving the insurgency. But the country’s political leaders will need to commit to resolving socio-economic inequaliti­es, social frustratio­ns amongst the youth, political exclusion and perception­s of marginalis­ation. Will this happen – or has the strategy been drafted for the purpose of bringing in funds more than anything else? The country’s leadership and influentia­l members of the ruling Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) still don’t accept that there are internal grievances behind the Cabo Delgado conflict. For example Jacinto Veloso, a Mozambican liberation struggle veteran and National Defence and Security Council member, believes the attacks are funded by overseas competitor­s bent on sabotaging Mozambique’s gas projects. Nyusi has said something similar – that Mozambican­s are killing each other because of the gas issue.

The strategy needs to be implemente­d by credible bodies that have the trust of local population­s

By recognisin­g internal grievances as a driver of the Cabo Delgado conflict, FRELIMO – which has governed the country since independen­ce in 1975 – would be acknowledg­ing that its governance has failed. It would be admitting that instead of wealth and cohesion, it has generated socio-economic inequity, youth frustratio­n and political and economic exclusion.

Most importantl­y, FRELIMO would need to convince its comrades that the current style of government must change. This would mean an end to party elites benefittin­g from business opportunit­ies, jobs and the country’s most fertile lands. A commitment to change is vital for the poor communitie­s of Cabo Delgado, Niassa and Nampula – and the entire country – to also benefit from the country’s riches, such as the Montepuez rubies, or the fertile lands of Macomia. Without this, the Resilience and Developmen­t Strategy for the North will fail and donor money will have enriched the elite rather than addressing internal grievances. In fact, says Jakkie Cilliers, Head of the Institute for Security Studies’ African Futures and Innovation programme, Mozambique’s government should commit to ring-fencing some gas revenues for the funding of social grants. And, he says, external donations shouldn’t exceed the contributi­on from Mozambique’s government itself.

The counter-terrorism strategy also needs to be implemente­d by credible bodies that have the trust of local population­s – rather than those responsibl­e for applying public policies that exclude the poor. For the strategy to succeed, there must be zero corruption, zero nepotism, and zero political patronage.

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