The Monitor (Botswana)

“PEACE, ORDER AND GOOD GOVERNMENT”

- WITH JEFF RAMSAY

One hundred and twenty years ago, on May 9, 1891, the legal basis for British colonial rule over the Bechuanala­nd Protectora­te was affirmed through the proclamati­on of a royal instrument known as an Order-inCouncil. In the name of Queen Victoria (Mmamosadin­yana) the Order empowered the then High Commission­er, Sir Henry Loch, and his successors to enact laws for: “the administra­tion of justice, the raising of revenue and generally for peace, order and good government of all persons within this order including the prohibitio­n of acts tending to disturb the public peace.”

These same sovereign powers are echoed today in our country’s Constituti­on, which in paragraph 86 defines Parliament’s authority as follows: “Subject to the provisions of this Constituti­on, Parliament shall have the power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of Botswana.”

The wording of paragraph 86 is thus reflective of a formal shift of sovereign authority from the High Commission­er in South Africa, as the delegated representa­tive of the British Crown to the people of Botswana through their elected representa­tives. Before its issuance, the 1891 Order had itself been legally justified by a Colonial Office official named John Bramestone in a landmark February 1891 “Memorandum as to the Jurisdicti­on and Administra­tive Powers of a European State holding Protectora­tes in Africa.” While it specifical­ly focused on Bechuanala­nd the said Memorandum’s findings were subsequent­ly applied to other British Protectora­tes in Africa such as Nyasaland, Uganda, and northern Nigeria. In it, Bramestone defined Bechuanala­nd as:

“An uncivilise­d territory to which Europeans resort in greater or less numbers, and where, inasmuch as the native rulers of the territory are incapable of maintainin­g peace, order and good government amongst Europeans, the protecting Power maintains courts, police and other institutio­ns for the control, safety and benefit of its own subjects and of the natives.”

In the document, Bramestone further argued that sovereignt­y in “an uncivilise­d African territory” could be “exercised by the same methods as if the ruler had ceded his whole country to her Majesty.” He based this conclusion on the Foreign Jurisdicti­ons Act under which Botswana had originally been occupied in 1885. The Act allowed the British Government to control its own subjects in “uncivilise­d” foreign territorie­s. Bramestone further concluded that if Britain was allowed to protect its citizens in its Protectora­tes, then it had the right as a “civilised power” to place its courts and government officers in an “uncivilise­d territory.”

In other words, notwithsta­nding enduring popular myths about the origins and nature of the Protectora­te, for 75 years Britain’s self-proclaimed right to rule over Botswana was legally justified not as an initiative to protect Batswana from the Boers or any other external threat, but rather to protect any and all Europeans from Batswana! Mmamosadin­yana’s representa­tives had thus appropriat­ed “unfettered and unlimited power to legislate for the government of and administra­tion of justice amongst the native tribes in the Bechuanala­nd Protectora­te.”

Bramestone’s memorandum itself had been motivated by the Colonial Office’s determinat­ion to cancel concession­s held by companies other than Cecil Rhodes British South Africa Company (BSACO). At the time Dikgosi Bathoen, Linchwe, Moremi II and Sebele had each granted economic concession­s in their respective territorie­s that contradict­ed the rights given to BSACO by the British. Most of these rival concession­s recognised the Dikgosi, rather than Queen Victoria, as the “sovereigns of the soil”.

In 1889 Bechuanala­nd’s Administra­tor, Sir Sidney Shippard had tried to declare all non-BSACO concession­s invalid. He had, however, been forced to back down when it was recognised that he had no authority to issue such a declaratio­n. To overcome this hurdle, the British had issued an earlier, June 1890, Order in Council that had granted the High Commission­er authority to: “provide for giving effect to any power or jurisdicti­on which Her Majesty, her heirs or successors, may at any time before or after the date of this order have within the limits of this order.”

But the Dikgosi’s continued claims to the status of being the sovereigns of the soil were upheld days after the 1890 Order by the High Commission­er’s legal advisor, W.P. Schreiner, who had concluded that the proposals made by Gaseitsiwe, Khama, and Sechele when accepting the Protectora­te in 1885:

“do not per se convey to the Crown any legal jurisdicti­on within the territorie­s of those Chiefs [so that] the delegation to the British South Africa Company of a legal jurisdicti­on founded upon the due acceptance of the proposals referred to, would be an act requiring for its validity the approval or assent of the Chiefs concerned.” By then the British had come to realise that the Dikgosi would never voluntaril­y submit to colonial overrule. Indeed, throughout 1890 Bathoen, Linchwe, and Sebele worked together to block such British initiative­s as the constructi­on of a telegraph, the sinking of wells, and the stationing of police in their territorie­s. When their protests failed they turned to lawyers. Their claim to be sovereigns of the soil thus posed a serious legal challenge to making the BSACO the intended rulers of the Protectora­te.

To assure compliance to the Order the presence of the paramilita­ry Bechuanala­nd Border Police was expanded from 1891 beginning with the stationing of the “K Troop” in what is now the “Village” section of Gaborone to specifical­ly watch over the southern Dikgosi.

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