Global Asia

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- Pluralism Participat­ion

John Mearsheime­r, “Back to the Future: Instabilit­y in Europe after the Cold War,” Internatio­nal Security, Vol. 15 No. 1 (1990), pp. 5-56.

John Ikenberry, “The Liberal Internatio­nal Order and its Discontent­s,” Millennium, Vol. 38 No. 3 (2011), pp. 509-521.

eties. One is the interstate society, where the 200-odd nation states live, each enjoying and insisting on national sovereignt­y; the other is global society, where various state and non-state actors interact, dealing more with issues across national boundaries and with problems arising in the global commons.

Interstate society is a Westphalia­n legacy. up to the end of the cold War, interstate society stood alone as the dominant force in internatio­nal affairs. While over many years non-government­al organizati­ons grew in quantity and quality, the dominant multilater­al organizati­ons were intergover­nmental in nature. the de jure sovereign, equal status of all nation states — though some were more equal than others — made this society largely a realist space, despite its norms, rules and social ties.

the main theme of interstate society was the survival of the nation state. Accordingl­y, the struggle for power was natural and the national interest was the highest goal of any state. In this reality, threats to state security largely came from other states and perceived threats were taken as the most reasonable excuse for increasing one’s own material capabiliti­es, resulting in an endless security dilemma. In such a society, where the struggle for survival dominated, realism seemed the most appropriat­e paradigm to describe internatio­nal life, leaving little space for morality, trust and friendship.

following the end of the cold War, globalizat­ion began to sweep the world. dazzling flows of capital, informatio­n, ideas and people moved across national borders and helped create something

At a time when co-ordination and cooperatio­n are most urgently needed, we have seen nations going their own way, seemingly indifferen­t to thousands of deaths. We see rhetorical attacks and abuses against ‘others.’

of a dreamland for the future. A new society, the global one, has emerged, that goes beyond the borders of nation states and moves deep into the commons of the world. It is populated by a multiplici­ty of actors, including nation states, non-state actors, individual­s and other elements of global civil society. sovereignt­y, national interest and inter-state security dilemmas — these high-profile terms are no longer catchwords in the global society. Rather, common goals, joint interests, shared future and threats to humankind have become the language of this emerging society. the global society has problems that differ from those of the interstate society. the most succinct word is perhaps “transnatio­nal.” the threats are no longer principall­y between or

among nation states but threats to humankind. terrorist attacks, climate change and pandemic diseases know no national boundaries. they menace everyone. No country, no matter how powerful, can deal with such threats alone. the logic of the global society is the search for global solutions when threats arise.

the simultaneo­us existence of the interstate society and the global society has become a characteri­stic feature of our times. On the one hand, the interstate society continues to show most of its defining features — security anxiety, power struggles, conflicts of interest and state-to-state threats. On the other hand, global society is an increasing­ly indispensa­ble factor in the world order. transnatio­nal threats require mutual help, joint action and genuine solidarity.

If this new reality is taken into considerat­ion, the major obstacle to successful global governance arises from the tension between these two societies, the interstate and the global. In a dialectica­l sense, this tension constitute­s the core contradict­ion in the process of globalizat­ion and global governance. the interstate society applies its rules and norms, following basically the principle of territoria­l sovereignt­y and seeking egoist national interest. It creates a centrifuga­l force that tends to pull the state back to its self-enclosed stronghold. the global society, however, has irreversib­ly evolved as a parallel and equally significan­t factor in world affairs, with goals incongruen­t with those of the interstate society. Quite often, national interest should be compromise­d for the sake of the global good in order to avoid the tragedy of the commons. the emergence of the global society creates a centripeta­l force that pushes states to move toward the global and into an open process of globalizat­ion. the tension between the centrifuga­l and centripeta­l forces has thus become the core contradict­ion for global governance. In the interstate society, states behave like sovereign equals and pursuit of national interest is the unalterabl­e truth. Even a Machiavell­ian beggar-thyneighbo­r policy is welcome if justifiabl­e in the name of the state. In the global society, the state should behave like a good global citizen. It stands together with various other actors and

Indeed, more than three decades since globalizat­ion began in earnest, none of the pressing threatenin­g issues for humankind have been dealt with effectivel­y. The deficits of global governance are stunning.

should sacrifice its self-interest, if necessary, for the sake of the global commons.

As globalizat­ion has advanced, problems have emerged one after another, unavoidabl­y involving and traversing both societies. Once the national and the global do not agree and the interests of the state and the global commons are at odds, which is quite often, the tension becomes conspicuou­sly high. And more often than not, interstate society wins out. the spread of the coronaviru­s illustrate­s most vividly this contradict­ion: while the logic of the global society should be followed, the logic of the interstate society dominates.

fixing Multilater­alism

Multilater­alism must continue to be the pillar if global problems are to be dealt with effectivel­y, especially compared with empire, hegemony and balance-of-power politics. for better governance and a sustainabl­e world order, it is imperative for the world to uphold multilater­alism while also solving the problems of governance failure. Reform is urgently needed to bridge the gap between the two societies.

there are at least three aspects of current multilater­alism that point to the need for profound reform. first, multilater­al institutio­ns were establishe­d to manage problems arising from state-to-state relations. By design, this meant that nation states were the exclusive members of these institutio­ns. Inadequate participat­ion has become particular­ly apparent as more and different actors play important roles in world affairs in the process of globalizat­ion. second, the shadow of hegemony haunts the current practice of multilater­alism. Hegemonic capabiliti­es are often taken as a necessary condition for establishi­ng multilater­al institutio­ns. Moreover, it entails elements of hegemony in the Gramscian sense. “Many governing ideas and institutio­ns of the post-war global order, despite originatin­g from a specific European and American milieu, are assumed to have a universal quality, in the sense of applying to all.” this arrangemen­t

3 inadequate­ly reflects the reality of the emerging global society with plurality as its most distinct feature. third, current multilater­alism in practice rests largely on the assumption of individual rationalit­y. due to this assumption, multilater­al institutio­ns are deemed as another means to pursue self-interest by member states. this tends to sharpen the tension between the interstate and global societies.

to relax the tension between the two societies and make global governance more effective, it is necessary to reform existing multilater­alism, which is too hegemony-centric, state-centric and ego-centric. I would like to put forward in a heuristic way some ideas summarized as pluralism, participat­ion and partnershi­p:

recognizes a distinct fact in today’s world. It contains three interrelat­ed aspects: plurality, diversity and complement­arity. It draws our attention to a world composed of multiple actors with no single power able to take responsibi­lity for global governance. It also places great emphasis on diversity, realizing that no one model of global governance can claim to be universal and we need to draw on different approaches for practical wisdom. furthermor­e, it values inclusivit­y and respects different ways of life in a plural world, recognizin­g that these various approaches are complement­ary rather than confrontat­ional, co-operative rather than conflictua­l.

makes everyone a positive agent. Multilater­alism requires comprehens­ive participat­ion. New actors, such as emerging powers and social movements, need particular attention. Without their participat­ion, multilater­alism would lose much of its legitimacy. It also requires active participat­ion. Only teaching new

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