The Phnom Penh Post

Duterte’s power paradox

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IF YOU keep your money locked in a safe at home, it will steadily lose its value over time. Indeed, even if you deposit it in a savings account, earning minimal interest, the odds are it will also shed much of its value because of inflation.

Money needs to be invested in property or economic activity if it is to have any chance of retaining or increasing its value.

To be sure, there is also the considerab­le risk of losing all of it in a poorly chosen venture.

Power works in pretty much the same way. It does not operate by the mere assertion of its legitimacy or of its superiorit­y.

It has to be “spent” in order for it to have any chance of expanding or retaining its value. The ways of doing this are unlimited, attesting to the complexity of power relations.

After every election, we project the hope that the leaders we have chosen will have the wisdom, the selflessne­ss, and the will to apply their political capital to society’s most difficult and persistent problems.

In survey after survey, we affirm this faith in the nation’s elected leaders, as though it were a prophesy that cannot fail. We stay hopeful despite early signs that we may have erred in our choices.

Some presidents go for long-term goals like strengthen­ing institutio­ns or reforming the government, with little to show by way of visible programmes or campaigns.

Somewhere along the way, they lose their nerve as their popularity declines. They learn to compromise, and to employ what remains of their political capital to ensure their political survival. Their biggest accomplish­ment would be to avoid being removed by impeachmen­t or by a coup.

Others spend their political power mainly to settle old scores, with idealism quickly giving way to egoism.

A lot of moralising attends this approach to power, all aimed at convincing the voters that their moral intuitions are upheld when the bad are jailed and banished from the political world forever.

Loudest applause

Still others go through the motions of convention­al governance but reserve their political capital mainly to accumulate personal wealth. Such leaders merely mirror the prevailing practice in the rest of the country.

But, projected on a national scale, this form of expenditur­e of political power is enormously damaging to the nation’s institutio­ns and, ultimately, to the country’s core interests.

The road to power can be so arduous for a president that it tends to breed an inclinatio­n toward the conservati­ve use of political capital.

In contrast, someone who campaigned for and rose to the presidency with little expectatio­n to win – like Rodrigo Duterte – might regard the position more or less like money won in a lottery.

He came upon it almost effortless­ly, so he doesn’t really care if he loses it overnight. Somebody in this position can afford to view his actions as experiment­s – intended, in Duterte’s own words, “to shake up the tree” or “to test the limits of civility” – just to see what can happen.

This attitude was already visible during the campaign. Duterte the candidate practicall­y joked his way through the presidenti­al debates, dishing out nonsensica­l responses to policy questions and mocking the seriousnes­s of his rivals.

Yet he got the loudest applause. He projected a disarming indifferen­ce to power and privilege, sounding almost contemptuo­us of the very position he was seeking.

Voters found his cynicism justified, his irreverenc­e funny and his crudeness an antidote to the distant formality and earnestnes­s of our political rituals.

To them, he was the personific­ation of the authentic Filipino. They laughed heartily at his jokes and relished every profanity he uttered. They saw themselves in him.

Duterte carried this signature rawness with him to the presidency. passion for the poor, courtesy in speech, respect for religious belief, deference to religious figures, respect for women, et cetera – and emerged from it unscathed, as this president.

Indeed, no one has spent more scarce political capital as thoughtles­sly, but ended up with more.

Pointless expenditur­e

For some observers like myself, such behaviour seems like so much pointless expenditur­e of political power.

We wish that it would be more usefully employed to solving the perennial problems of corruption, of mass poverty, of urban congestion, of social injustice, of environmen­tal degradatio­n, et cetera.

But that is because we are accustomed to think of political power only in its positive sense – as a means to achieve the collective good.

We forget that, in general, people don’t judge their leaders by this. Not many take the trouble to reconcile their actions to their professed beliefs, or to arrange their values in some reasonable hierarchy of importance.

We forget, too, that the pursuit of one set of values often results in violating another set of values.

In truth, as a society, we have not spent enough time sorting out the things we truly believe in or consider non-negotiable.

That is why many Filipinos admire Duterte for exactly the same reasons others despise him.

 ?? NOEL CELIS/AFP ?? Activists burn an effigy of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte near the US Embassy in Manila on November 30 last year during the commemorat­ion of the 155th birthday of Andres Bonifacio, considered the ‘Father of the Philippine Revolution’.
NOEL CELIS/AFP Activists burn an effigy of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte near the US Embassy in Manila on November 30 last year during the commemorat­ion of the 155th birthday of Andres Bonifacio, considered the ‘Father of the Philippine Revolution’.

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