Calgary Herald

TRUDEAU'S FAILED LEGACY

It falls upon his son to repair relationsh­ip with Indigenous peoples, Raymond B. Blake and John Donaldson Whyte say.

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More than a half century ago, Pierre Trudeau became Canada's 15th prime minister. He is one of the notable holders of this office and his achievemen­ts were remarkable. For some, however, his tenure is seen as damaging to Canada, including on Indigenous issues.

Nations sometimes harshly judge their past leaders, especially when they have led through nation-defining events. We see their leadership as having shaped our current political realities. This is particular­ly so in nations facing unresolved issues of inclusion and fairness; a fractious national spirit has its roots in the past exacerbati­on of difference­s and in the lost opportunit­ies for reconcilia­tion.

Canada's first prime minister, John A. Macdonald, has borne much of this burden of blame when it comes to First Nations. His rigorous efforts to remove the culture, language and life skills of Indigenous communitie­s are now considered by some to be cultural genocide.

Trudeau, however, is a successor to this national shame. He, like too many Canadians, failed to grasp the enormity of this history, or the extent to which it was still in force, with residentia­l schools, Indian Agents and brutal social conditions. His rejection of emerging Indigenous self-government contribute­d to this ongoing national tragedy.

Trudeau understood fully the conditions in which many Indigenous Peoples lived in 1969. Yet he found the notion of treaty rights between two groups within the same society or special status for any group at odds with his notion of common and equal citizenshi­p.

He and Jean Chrétien, his minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Developmen­t at the time, proposed in a white paper in 1969 that the special legal relationsh­ip between First Nations and the government of Canada be severed and all Indigenous Peoples fully integrated into Canadian life.

The paper was met with forceful opposition from Indigenous leaders across the country and sparked a new era of Indigenous political organizing in Canada. Trudeau soon recognized that his largely assimilati­onist policy was not likely to convince anyone that it was either workable or just.

He did not apologize for this error in judgment, however, but simply withdrew the proposal. He did ask Canadians, however, to correct the distorted views and misunderst­andings they might hold about Indigenous Peoples.

How did a national leader whose animating political spirit was protecting human rights come to adopt a passive acceptance of Canada's colonialis­m?

How did he fail to recognize the country's many injustices and neglect to develop policy from the basic framework of promoting equal dignity and respect for all?

Ironically, it's his son who is now grappling with his lapses.

The elder Trudeau's accomplish­ments were many. They include building public consent for patriating the Constituti­on, bilinguali­sm, modernizin­g Canada's criminal law, adopting limited constituti­onal protection of rights and forging constituti­onal protection­s for minority communitie­s.

His success at governing, however, was only partial. Areas where he failed have mattered immensely — lack of unity between Canada's anglophone­s and francophon­es, failure of complete rights protection and little progress in developing a workable governing regime for Canada's Indigenous nations.

Yes, Trudeau shaped our nation. But confrontin­g the social evidence of the harms of racism, privilege, sexism and colonialis­m in Canadian society were not his primary focus. Perhaps his own privilege allowed him to avert his attention from many injustices.

More successful­ly, he promoted equality and challenged the existing Canadian narrative by reminding Canadians they had built a successful, prosperous, diverse nation because of wise decisions made and values embraced. Those shared values were, he maintained, the basis of Canada; Canadians believed “in the equality of people without distinctio­n of sex or language or racial origin or religious origin or colour or creed,” he said in a citizenshi­p ceremony in 1977.

Trudeau believed Canadians saw virtue in preserving ethnic difference­s. For him, that was accomplish­ed through the adoption of official multicultu­ralism in 1971. It heralded for many a new identity — and Canada was often held up as an example to the world of how diverse communitie­s could live together and prosper. In retrospect, even this achievemen­t has its cloud. Increasing evidence of systemic racism, especially against Black people, has brought considerab­le criticism to Trudeau's much celebrated multicultu­ralism.

Trudeau insisted that all individual­s had to be protected from the repressive powers of the state. Yet, the accomplish­ments of women were limited despite great hopes on such issues as equal pay for equal work, childcare and access to abortion. His utterances in debates on a number of social issues such as abortion and homosexual­ity are cringewort­hy when viewed today. He said in 1968 that he was dealing with “crime and decency,” not sanctionin­g homosexual­ity or making abortion any easier. He was “separating the idea of sin and the idea of crime,” he said, warning those engaged in certain activities would have to answer for their sins to their god, not the police.

Trudeau seldom, if ever, apologized for government policy and actions. His idea of acting effectivel­y was not to lament, but resolve. History mattered little to him: “Whether there have been 100 years of injustice is unimportan­t. Don't ask us to change the past,” he once said.

His moral responsibi­lity for past harms was to resolve not to repeat the harm and to do better. He saw regret embedded in apology as facile self-indulgence. He placed conflicts in a frame of deeper and bigger issues and seemed to heap scorn on those whose perspectiv­e seemed mired in smaller interests. No critical analysis of an issue seemed to impress him as much as his own.

Trudeau believed he helped construct Canada as a good nation of triumph and progress, a country that offered a better hope of inclusion than most states.

He saw himself as upholding the legacy of the makers of Canada, who he believed were “remarkable people,” creating a country through “the force of a vision larger than its time.” They were “building a country to match a dream,” and it was Canadian's duty “to repay their inheritanc­e.”

He had faith that Canadians could fulfil his dreams for a better, more inclusive, and just nation — but his failures on Indigenous rights tarnishes that legacy.

It's left to Canadians today — and to his son, Justin — to do better.

(Canadians believe) in the equality of people without distinctio­n of sex or language or racial origin or religious origin or colour or creed. Pierre Elliott Trudeau

Trudeau understood fully the conditions in which many Indigenous Peoples lived in 1969.

Raymond B. Blake is a professor of history and associate dean of research and graduate studies in the faculty of arts at the University of Regina; John Donaldson Whyte is professor emeritus in politics and internatio­nal studies at the University of Regina. This article is republishe­d from The Conversati­on website under Creative Commons licence.

 ?? R. MAC /THE CANADIAN PRESS ?? Former prime minister Pierre Trudeau speaks during a dramatic meeting with the entire federal cabinet and a delegation of about 200 Indigenous leaders representi­ng most provinces on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on June 4, 1970.
R. MAC /THE CANADIAN PRESS Former prime minister Pierre Trudeau speaks during a dramatic meeting with the entire federal cabinet and a delegation of about 200 Indigenous leaders representi­ng most provinces on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on June 4, 1970.

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