Edmonton Journal

Getting ‘cosy’ with the mining industry

‘Matchmakin­g’ links unlikely bedfellows

- Catherine Solyom

Somewhere inside Montreal’s vast Palais des Congres, a strange sort of “speed dating” session will be held this weekend to match some unlikely bedfellows.

These are not lonely hearts looking for love, but mining companies hoping to hook up with bleeding hearts — the social and environmen­tal groups working to improve living conditions near Canadian mines abroad.

Held on the margin of the World Mining Congress, the controvers­ial matchmakin­g session has attracted interest from both companies and non-government­al organizati­ons hoping to “connect and build relationsh­ips,” said Jean Vavrek, executive director of the event sponsor, the Canadian Institute of Mining, Metallurgy and Petroleum.

The idea, said Vavrek, is to bring these two solitudes together to increase the positive impact of a given mining project, whether in Latin America or West Africa.

“How do we work more systematic­ally, and up front, so the (impacts) are more positive and companies leave a strong legacy and act as an engine for other activities?” Vavrek said, citing the homegrown examples of Val d’Or, Sudbury and Sept-Iles, where mining has spurred the developmen­t of small and medium-sized local businesses. “A lot of companies and executives have done a lot of giving. But there are limits to doing that to try to alleviate poverty and improve developmen­t.”

The concept is not entirely new, building on the experience of pilot projects in Peru, where World Vision and CARE Canada have teamed up with Toronto-based Barrick Gold to foster economic developmen­t in communitie­s adjacent to Barrick mines.

For the $1-million World Vision project, Barrick put up 50 per cent of the funding, while the Canadian government

“This is one of the worst and most blatant examples we have of how NGOs are being encouraged to get into bed with the mining industry.”

Jeni fer Moore of Mining Watch Canada

— through the agency formerly known as the Canadian Internatio­nal Developmen­t Agency — put up the other half. With CARE Canada, Barrick put in $460,000, while CIDA put in $1 million.

This new model of developmen­t is clearly favoured by the Harper government. Julian Fantino, until July minister of internatio­nal co-operation, has repeatedly spoken about how aid should also serve Canadian interests — particular­ly in the mining sector.

Since 2009, it has pledged at least $38 million for “community developmen­t in the extractive­s sector” in Latin America alone, some of which was part of $28.36 million earmarked in 2011-2012 to Peru.

In June, CIDA officially became part of the new Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Developmen­t Canada.

It is not clear whether any partnershi­ps formed this weekend will receive funding. But a spokespers­on for the department said the government was “broadening and deepening its engagement with the private sector” and referred to the new Canadian Internatio­nal Institute for Extractive Industries and Developmen­t, set up at the University of British Columbia with $25 million from Foreign Affairs.

“It is important to note that DFATD does not directly fund mining companies,” wrote Nicolas Doire in an email. “DFATD funds NGOs, some of whom have co-financing from the private sector, including, in some cases, from mining companies.”

But Jennifer Moore of Mining Watch Canada, which has been critical of Canadian operations abroad and the conflicts they engender (according to Peru’s Ombudsman’s office, there were 120 active conflicts in the country in February, 70 per cent related to mining), said this matchmakin­g is emblematic of how NGOs are being asked to “cosy up” with the mining companies.

“This is one of the worst and most blatant examples we have of how NGOs are being encouraged to get into bed with the mining industry,” said Moore, Latin America Program Coordinato­r for Mining Watch. “Both the Canadian mining industry and Canadian government are really pressuring NGOs to cosy up to industry as part of a strategy to bolster their public relations in the face of growing opposition and conflict over their operations, and to further detract from what we really need, which are mandatory mechanisms to hold companies to account for the abuses that are taking place.”

Moore said it’s difficult to argue with funding education or health care or job training for those who need it. But she said people should be able to demand these of their own government­s, and not have to rely on the conditiona­l interest of mining companies who are “buying their silence.”

Goldcorp, for example, whose Marlin mine in Guatemala has repeatedly been cited for alleged environmen­tal and human rights abuses, has made a number of donations through its foundation — but according to Moore they are tied to the community’s acceptance of the project. Meanwhile, the company has so far pledged only $1 million for the cleanup of the mine, which could cost $50 million, Moore said.

Moore and others also question why the Canadian government — and hence taxpayers — should be subsidizin­g profitable mining corporatio­ns’ corporate responsibi­lity programs through developmen­t grants.

“We fully recognize that the private sector has a role to play,” said Oxfam executive director Robert Fox. “But it’s not clear that some of these corporatio­ns, among the most profitable corporatio­ns on the planet, need or merit funding from the Canadian government in order for them to ensure that conditions in the communitie­s from which they’re profiting are healthy and reasonable.”

As for the NGOs who choose to form partnershi­ps with mining companies, Moore and Fox believed these NGOs were putting their reputation­s as independen­t actors and community allies on the line, but perhaps had little choice.

Public funding has been progressiv­ely cut, especially to groups critical of government policies, Moore said. And what is left will probably be increasing­ly channelled into partnershi­ps with the private sector, which won’t necessaril­y address the real issues communitie­s are facing.

“It’s coercive,” Moore said. “To maintain funding from government they have to toe the line on this kind of approach and policy.” Fox noted: “If you don’t pursue these partnershi­ps you may find yourself without any funding.”

World Vision’s director of policy, Wendy Therrien, believes its partnershi­p with Barrick in Peru has been fruitful, especially in terms of bringing Barrick to the same table as teachers’ unions, community representa­tives and local government. The parties may discuss economic developmen­t, but may also voice other concerns related to the mine.

That has empowered locals to feel they can hold companies accountabl­e, Therrien said, adding that the NGO also has education and health programs funded by private donors.

“That’s the sustainabl­e developmen­t that will last beyond the three years of this project,” she said, “for people to see themselves as agents of change and not feel afraid to get into negotiatio­ns.”

 ?? JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP/ Getty Image s files ?? Locals walk by an army patrol in southeaste­rn Guatemala in May, days after security forces clashed with opponents of a Canadian-owned gold and silver mine project.
JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP/ Getty Image s files Locals walk by an army patrol in southeaste­rn Guatemala in May, days after security forces clashed with opponents of a Canadian-owned gold and silver mine project.

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