Montreal Gazette

Local candidates refuse to be bullied

- ANDREW COYNE acoyne@postmedia.com Twitter: acoyne

To hear Dimitri Soudas tell it, he’s just a fool for love. The prime minister’s former communicat­ions director, never known previously for liking to cuddle, is so gosh darn head over heels “madly in love” that he couldn’t help himself: In a spin, loving the spin he was in, under that ol’ black magic called abuse of office, he violated the terms of his contract as executive director of the Conservati­ve party, used party resources for preferenti­al purposes, and otherwise tried to tilt the nomination race in Oakville North-Burlington in favour of his beloved, the Member of Parliament for Mississaug­a-Brampton South, Eve Adams.

Well, come on, you were young once. When a man loves a woman, can’t think of nothing else. If making hundreds of calls from a confidenti­al party database to help your girlfriend jump from the riding she’s already in to a riding she thinks she’d have an easier time winning is wrong, I don’t want to be right.

Love does strange things to a man, it’s true. In this case, it has caused Soudas to behave more or less exactly as he has throughout his career. As for Adams, though she has as yet declined to plead the effects of the moon in June, she was likewise moved to mail promotiona­l flyers into the riding using her MP’s privilege, improperly access the same confidenti­al party database, invade a riding executive meeting, verbally abuse several of those present and gener-

Adams plainly felt that … she could throw her weight around with impunity.

ally attempt to bigfoot the proceeding­s. But then, this is not entirely out of character for Adams, either. Amour fou, c’est l’amour-propre.

The noteworthy part of the story, then, is not that either of these two lovebirds should have behaved as they did, but that they should have thought they could get away with it. The newsworthy part is that they didn’t.

Adams plainly felt that, as the fiancée of the party’s executive director, who had not hesitated to veto the candidacie­s of nomination contestant­s in other ridings when it suited him, she could throw her weight around with impunity. And Soudas plainly felt that, as one of Stephen Harper’s longest-serving loyalists, indeed as his personal choice for executive director, he, too, was invulnerab­le — as he had always been in the past. Alas this time he was not, and with his departure, her demise seems inevitable.

How could they have so misjudged the situation? Obviously it was Harper’s call, in the end, but what’s more important is why he acted as he did. And what seems to have been a critical factor is that the constituen­cy officials in question fought back. Rather than welcome their new Adams/Soudas overlords, they objected, first to her face, then in an email to party brass (a complaint that appears to have got the writer fired), finally in a letter to the prime minister. Enough of the party took their side that the prime minister was obliged to fire one of his closest allies, four months after appointing him. It must have been humiliatin­g, which is to say that he can’t have done so willingly.

This is good news, for fans of local democracy and the rights of riding associatio­ns to choose their own representa­tives — representa­tives who as a result will be accountabl­e to them, and to their ridings, rather than placeholde­rs for the party leader. And it’s not the only such controvers­y to erupt of late. The Liberals are wrestling with their own uprising, this time in the Toronto riding of TrinitySpa­dina, soon to be the site of a byelection, where the candidate of record, Christine Innes was rudely dumped by the party leader, Justin Trudeau. Moreover, she was told she could not be a candidate in any riding in the next general election.

Ostensibly the reason for this treatment was that her husband, the former Liberal MP Tony Ianno, had been campaignin­g a little too enthusiast­ically on her behalf, or as it was inevitably called, “bullying.” But it soon emerged that the real reason was that she had refused to abide by the leader’s decree that she not seek the nomination for 2015 in University-Rosedale — one of many new or redrawn ridings to come of the latest exercise in redistrict­ing — a riding widely viewed as having been reserved for Toronto Centre MP Chrystia Freeland. Like the rebels of Oakville North-Burlington, Innes has vowed not to surrender, and is threatenin­g legal action.

Imagine that. What’s common to both of these stories is not only the willingnes­s of local candidates and riding associatio­ns to defy the powers that be but their obstinate insistence that these races should be what party leaders claim they are: open nomination­s. With any luck, this obstrepero­usness will spread. Thanks to redistrict­ing, there will be other ridings where incumbents face off against incumbents; in others, the promise of open nomination­s will run into the reality that leaders have favourites.

Ridings that resist the inevitable attempts to stage-manage these races will do their parties a favour. Tilted nomination­s are not open nomination­s. They’re not even nomination­s, really.

The tendency, when these fights break out, is to view them as signs of weakness and division, if not anarchy. The tone of news coverage is often disapprovi­ng, as if party leaders were indulgent parents who neglected to discipline their children. Reporters pepper their stories with words like “messy,” “ugly,” even “vicious.” This is what you get, they seem to say, when you leave it to ridings to decide these matters. Yes, it is. Isn’t it glorious?

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