How the leaders match up
With the first election debate Thursday evening, it’s a good moment for voters to take the measure of the five people who lead Canada’s major political parties. With that in mind, we look at their vital statistics ahead of one of the first rounds of polit
GILLES DUCEPPE: HOPING FOR DIVINE SUPPORT
Before politics: A student radical, then a member of a Maoist group that instructed members not to vote in the 1980 referendum, causing Duceppe great regret later. A hospital orderly before becoming a union negotiator. First political impressions: It’s tough being a separatist in Ottawa. After becoming the first MP elected under Bloc banner in 1990, was surprised by the reception — insults, no time in question period — from other parties.
Evolution of brand: Call it BlocBerry, once dominant in its market but now appealing mostly to fusty diehards. Oversaw Bloc’s demise, quit, now returned with a mission to keep it from ending up on the scrap heap. On the gaffe scale (1 to 5), and biggest gaffe: 4. It has been 18 years, but donning a hairnet during a 1997 cheese-factory visit inspires cartoonists to this day.
Flagship policy: Separate
Quebec.
Winning strategy: Precampaign bike tour stopped last week at Ste-Anne-de-Beaupré Basilica, renowned for miracle cures, and it might take divine intervention for the Bloc to win this year. Barring that, Duceppe can hope for an affront that stirs nationalist sentiment in the province.
NOTE: Duceppe will not take part in the first leaders’ debate on Thursday.
STEPHEN HARPER: AVOID MISTAKES AND URGE CAUTION
Before politics: Low-level employee at Imperial Oil and economics student at the University of Calgary. In politics most of his life, with a few years at the National Citizens Coalition.
First political impressions: Disillusionment. Just out of university, he was a top policy adviser to then-Tory MP Jim Hawkes. He was brilliant, but the machinations of Ottawa troubled the idealistic, Ayn Rand-reading Albertan. Next political job was with the Reform Party.
Evolution of brand: When first anointed opposition leader, Harper would have denounced budget deficits, condemned corporate welfare and wouldn’t have been too fond of the monarchy. Has adopted the Jean Chrétien style of simply giving Canadians small doses of empirically popular things. On the gaffe scale (1 to 5), and biggest gaffe: 1. Being super-reserved and rarely taking questions means Harper has few chances to look stupid. Went to the Calgary Stampede and wore a cowboy hat backwards. Went to a Winnipeg Jets game and wore a Team Canada jersey.
Flagship policy: Staying in power, essentially.
Winning strategy: Don’t do anything rash, and make the other guy look bad. Harper is skilled at avoiding surprises on the campaign trail, and he’s also pretty good at trashing opponents.
ELIZABETH MAY: START SMALL AND DREAM BIG
Before politics: Studied to be an Anglican Church minister, and wanted to be “a nice little old lady Anglican priest with a nice parish somewhere.” Wrote eight books, including Global Warming for Dummies.
First political impressions: You CAN get a ban on atmospheric nuclear testing. Mom did.
Evolution of brand: In the 1970s, rose to prominence as an environmentalist opposed to aerial insecticide spraying. Started the Small Party in 1980 with 12 candidates. Came dead last in challenging then-Liberal deputy prime minister Allan MacEachen. Took over the Greens in 2006, still thinking big. Won office in 2011. Biggest gaffe (makes them occasionally): At a recent Parliamentary Press Gallery dinner, saying Omar Khadr, who was released on bail from a federal prison in Alberta in May and spent 10 years at Guantanamo Bay, has “more class than the f--ing cabinet.”
Flagship policy: “Peace, order and good government.” Honestly.
Winning strategy: Start small, dream big. Convince voters that giving 12 Greens the balance of power in a minority government would change the country.
TOM MULCAIR: DETERMINATION OVER ANGER
Before politics: Raised in Montreal, graduated from McGill law school, worked in the Quebec government’s justice ministry, and was legal affairs director at Alliance Quebec.
First political impressions: As a civil servant, fought alongside the federalists in the 1980 Quebec referendum and, in 1994, became an elected Liberal in the opposition. Developed a reputation as a fierce critic.
Evolution of brand: In 2006, was shuffled out of the environment portfolio in the Quebec Liberal government’s cabinet after opposing a private development in a park. Refused another cabinet post and became a backbencher. Before long, he was a federal New Democrat. On the gaffe scale (1 to 5), and biggest gaffe: Biggest mistake came as an opposition politician in Quebec, when, while in a TV studio, he told a former PQ minister whom he had accused of influence peddling that he looked forward to seeing him go to prison.
Flagship policy: A national child-care scheme and a $15-an-hour minimum wage for workers in federally regulated workplaces.
Winning strategy: Convince voters the NDP is a safe choice to remove Harper from office and repair the “damage” that has been done to Canada after a decade of Conservatives in power.
JUSTIN TRUDEAU: TRYING TO SHOW HE’S READY
Before politics: Taught high school math and French in Vancouver. Chaired the now-defunct Katimavik youth volunteering program and was a public speaker for hire.
First political impressions: After unseating a Bloc MP in 2008, early career was light on policy and punctuated with high-profile gaffes. But after the Liberals’ loss in 2011, won 2013 leadership race in little more than a coronation.
Evolution of the brand: Countering Tory criticism that he’s a haircut in a suit, Trudeau trimmed his curly locks and honed his message. Advocated legalization of marijuana and turned Tory attack machine against itself. On the gaffe scale (1 to 5),
and biggest gaffe: 4. Frequent missteps. Somewhat awkward sense of humour a particular source of misery for the party.
Flagship policy: Wants to cut taxes for middle class by up to $670 per year by imposing a tax hike on the richest one per cent. Would modify the Tories’ Universal Child Care Benefit program so families earning more than $200,000 a year aren’t eligible, while lower-income families would get more benefit money.
Winning strategy: Loose and energetic. At his best when he sticks to the script, keeps jokes to a minimum, stays positive.