China’s twisted path toward ‘democracy’
Yu Keping is a strange voice among Chinese political observers.
On one hand, he openly advocates for democracy within China’s strict one-party political structure. On the other hand, his definition of Chinese democracy — led by the ruling Communist party of China — doesn’t really challenge Beijing’s official stance. As such, Yu Keping, the director of Beijing University’s Center for Chinese Government Innovation, as well as a ranking party official who founded a leading Chinese think-tank, evokes vastly different reactions from Chinese communities around the world. Yu recently spoke at the University of British Columbia’s Institute of Asian Research. Below are parts of his UBC discussion:
Q Wang Qishan spoke about the legitimacy of the Communist party. Is it an indication of Beijing’s direction, or did it open Pandora’s box?
A This is a topic that is not only drawing attention overseas, but also domestically, where it has spurred many discussions among academics. Prior to this, the legitimacy issue was something that was debated only within the party, so a public statement is of enormous importance.
Historically, the view was: “We won the war, we earned the legitimacy and the right to rule.” For modern societies, that’s definitely not enough. You can’t keep explaining your legitimacy in that manner. That’s why the party is looking for a new path.
Q How does Beijing view the legitimacy topic?
A The first source of legitimacy is its history, its historical tradition. Second is the legal system — what the party does must be in line with the law. The third is more important: It is the performance of the government. The party should enable people to have more social and economic freedoms ... to move from social management to social governance. The fourth is the most important, and it was brought up by Mr. Wang, as well. It is the support of the public. Public opinion is the most important part in any modern political system. It seems to me that, in the near future, there will be more focus than ever on social justice, to reduce the apparent social disparity. There is also the punishment of corrupt officials, and there will be a continued push for the rule of law. I think that will be crucial for China to move toward a deliberative democracy.
Q How do China’s leaders reconcile democratic reform with the party’s main principles, which may be ideologically
opposite to one another?
A You can see the dramatic difference of the party principles’ application between Chairman Mao and more recent leaders. ... But the former is socialism, and the latter is also socialism. There will be constant shifting to find flexibility between more extreme points.
Q Some are very critical of your view of Chinese democratization. What’s your reaction?
A How will Chinese democracy develop? Some scholars say that China, as it democratizes, will look more like the West. Others say it will look completely different. The debate is very intense, and sometimes, when someone from one side says, “something with Chinese characteristics,” someone with another side will automatically say it is not democratic.
China’s development toward democracy is inevitable. No one can stop it. ... I’ve always said it is not a question of liking it or not liking it, but a choice of which way to go. The improvement in people’s livelihoods comes with more political demands. Different interest groups need channels to express their interests.
In my view, China will most definitely have its own unique characteristics (for a democratic system), because it is so unique. It is unimaginable that we don’t develop our own model.