A D V I C E T O T H E R I G H T

RUDYA R D G R I F F I T H S G E R A L D C H I P E U R

History

matters. To succeed, political movements must not only fit present-day trends — their vision of the country’s future must be grounded in a shared understanding of its past.

When Liberals paint Stephen Harper as extremist, their authority flows, in part, from being the party that patriated the constitution and enshrined the Charter. Jack Layton’s effectiveness as a campaigner for health care is burnished by the legend of Tommy Douglas. Preston Manning drew strength from the long tradition of Prairie protest movements.

If only the merged Conservative party had a similar historical pedigree. In their current incarnation as a political movement committed to market forces, limited government and the devolution of federal powers, the Conservatives stand nearly alone in Canadian history — their only parallel being George Brown and his Clear Grits.

In the decade before Confederation, Brown led a regional faction that advocated free trade, the dissolution of the Act of Union and more direct democracy. Ironically, considering where today’s Conservatives stand, it was Sir John A Macdonald who outmanoeuvred the Clear Grits and ended back-to-back minority parliaments by achieving Confederation.

Macdonald went on to champion a strong federal government, state- financed construction of national projects and protectionist trade policies.

Political movements should not be hostage to history. But Canadians are intuitively wary of political leaders and parties that seem to represent a radical break from history. To avoid the political fate of Brown’s Clear Grits, Conservatives should start framing their policies not simply in terms of the cold calculus of public policy, but by showing how their vision of Canada resonates with the historical themes and values that defined the Tory party and once helped it lead our country to greatness.

Rudyard Griffiths is the executive director of

the non- partisan Dominion Institute.

www. dominion. ca When

I was in Montreal for the Conservative

party convention this past March, I met a longtime city resident in a bistro next to the Palais des Congrès. She wanted to talk politics with a Conservative from out West and shot a number of questions at me in the form of statements:

“ Stephen Harper is an honest man?”

“The Conservatives are no longer divided along regional lines?”

“ It is time for a change?”

She said that Mr. Harper would have her vote, and added that the party she votes for always wins the election.

Has Mr. Harper retained her support in the fall of 2005? Some would have their doubts, pointing to the polls and the media’s short-term memory when it comes to the massive political fraud uncovered by John Gomery’s Adscam inquiry.

But with Canadians ready for wholesale change, this is not the time for doubt or for Conservatives to tamper with their policies or product. It should not be surprising that Canadians have not elected a conservative government for over 15 years: Our right-of-centre parties have been in a constant state of change since 1989, and it is hard to expect a voter to pick a constantly moving target.

Canadians generally like to see their leaders perform in opposition for a term before trusting them with the Prime Minister’s Office. Stephen Harper, now a proven and trusted leader, fits that bill.

Conservatives across the country should take heart from the fact that their party’s membership sales and donations are vastly outpacing the Liberals’. This tells me that politically active Canadians support the party in its current form. Canadians aren’t looking for a change in the conservative movement — they’re looking for a change in government.

Gerald Chipeur is chairman of Chipeur Advocates, Barristers

and Solicitors in Calgary.

Why can’t Harper be more like Maggie?

Peter Foster on the Thatcher legacy and the policy of conviction: FP Comment, FP12