National Post

Tom Blackwell

on the Oregon example, and what’s next for Canadians.

- By Tom Blackwell National Post, with files from The Canadian Press tblackwell@nationalpo­st.com

Most of the undergradu­ates Courtney Campbell teaches at Oregon State University have grown up with a law that lets doctors help the terminally ill kill themselves. And, he says, they don’t really understand the fuss around it.

“They wonder what’s wrong with all the other states in the United States … that don’t have something like this,” said the medical ethics expert. “It’s just become part of the landscape here. “

Sixteen years after Oregon became the first North American jurisdicti­on to legalize assisted suicide, the law is almost a non-issue in the state, the program’s annual statistica­l reports now warranting barely a mention by local media, said Prof. Campbell.

He credits the concept’s wide acceptance to detailed rules that address everything from what defines a terminal illness to who can witness a patient’s suicide request — as well as transparen­cy about how “death with dignity” is carried out.

Canadian authoritie­s would be well advised to adopt similarly clear oversight as they implement Friday’s historic Supreme Court of Canada ruling, he suggested.

“You want to avoid a sort of American Wild, Wild West — angels of medical mercy going around without any kind of accountabi­lity or responsibi­lity,” said Prof. Campbell, who has studied Oregon’s experience closely.

“So long as this doesn’t look like it’s a process run amok … people are willing to accept it and the levels of approval increase over time.”

The historic and groundbrea­king decision from Canada’s top court sweeps away the existing law. It gives Parliament a year to draft new legislatio­n that recognizes the right of clearly consenting adults who are enduring intolerabl­e suffering to seek medical help in ending their lives.

The judgment, which is unsigned to reflect the unanimous institutio­nal weight of the court, says the current ban infringes on all three of the life, liberty and security of person provisions in the Charter of Rights & Freedoms, and it does not limit physician-assisted death to those suffering a terminal illness.

The decision is only the beginning of what is likely to be a complex — and likely contentiou­s — process of putting into effect Canada’s new era of doctor-assisted death, say legal and medical experts.

It will likely start with the federal government forging a new law. It could end with a patchwork of dif- ferent systems across the country, each province implementi­ng its own guidelines.

“If it’s not criminal, it’s health,” argued Juliet Guichon, a bio-ethicist and lawyer at the University of Calgary. “If it’s health, it’s provincial, so then it falls to the provinces and territorie­s to regulate it.”

Prof. Guichon said she would urge medical regulatory bodies from each province to meet and come up with a national set of rules, which provinces could then adopt to avoid significan­t difference­s from jurisdicti­on to jurisdicti­on.

The federal government could just ignore the judgment, which would lead to the Criminal Code section being “vacated,” with nothing to replace it, said Carissima Mathen, a constituti­onal law expert at the University of Ottawa.

It is much more likely, though, the government will draft a law that specifical­ly sets out when and for whom it is permissibl­e to help in someone else’s suicide, she said. Prof. Mathen believes the Conservati­ves will try to avoid key issues stemming from the decision being decided provincial­ly.

And with the Harper government’s strong opposition to doctorassi­sted death, they could draft the new legislatio­n to abide by the ruling, but limit access to the service as much as possible, she said.

“They might put into place very stringent standards for determinin­g if there is informed consent, there is no coercion,” said Prof. Mathen. “They might require a committee … to get approval. They might set up quite a few procedural hurdles.”

For the nation’s doctors, the details to be worked out — whether in federal or provincial law — are crucial.

The issues that need to be spelled out in laws or regulation­s include who qualifies for assisted dying, whether eligible patients would have to have a terminal illness and, if so, who would determine that status, said Jeff Blackmer, head of the Canadian Medical Associatio­n’s ethics office.

The rules should also delineate what sort of suffering — just physical or psychologi­cal as well — would qualify for a doctor’s help to die, he said.

“The more specificit­y, the better,” said Dr. Blackmer. “How do we evaluate those patients and determine if they qualify or not?”

He said the associatio­n’s 80,000 members seem to lean toward the kind of legislativ­e regime implemente­d in Oregon and Washington state, as opposed to the more permissive systems in Switzerlan­d, Belgium and the Netherland­s.

The European laws have sparked controvers­y by extending the right beyond terminal, consenting adults, allowing, in some cases, doctors to help hasten the death of severely disabled babies or people with grave psychiatri­c problems.

On the other hand, the pioneering Oregon law specifies someone must be fatally ill, have less than six months to live and have voiced the wish to die in writing and orally before getting suicide help. At that point, the 3,600-word law stipulates, a doctor signs a prescripti­on for a lethal drug, which patients takes themselves.

The legislatio­n requires detailed reporting annually on the number of deaths, the nature of patients who take advantage of the program and other data. The death statistics have climbed slowly but relatively steadily, from 16 when the Death With Dignity Act came into force in 1998 to 71 in 2013. That still only two of every 1,000 deaths in the state, which has a population of about four million people.

Just under 26% of the 122 people given a lethal prescripti­on in 2013 by 63 doctors never used the drug.

The new Quebec assisted-death legislatio­n is both less specific about how the system will work, and broader about who might qualify. It would permit unspecifie­d “medical aid” in dying not only to people who are terminally sick, but also to those suffering from an advanced and irreversib­le decline in ability, or experienci­ng constant, unbearable physical or psychologi­cal pain.

Prof. Guichon said she worries about a repetition of what happened in 2010 when the Supreme Court overturned most of a federal law governing the fertility-treatment industry, declaring it an incursion on provincial jurisdicti­on. Only Quebec has ever stepped in to regulate the contentiou­s area.

She expects politician­s and regulators will feel compelled to draft guidelines that restrict assisted suicide’s use and avoid the slippery slope critics often warn will result.

“They will be pressured to act quickly because of fear,” said the ethicist. “There is a significan­t amount of fear, both among physicians as a group and among patients, people generally.”

 ?? Sean Kilpat
rick / The Associat ed Press ?? Lee Carter, right, and her husband, Hollis Johnson, kiss outside The Supreme Court of Canada on Friday morning in Ottawa. Canada’s highest court unanimousl­y struck down a ban on doctor-assisted suicide for mentally competent patients with terminal...
Sean Kilpat rick / The Associat ed Press Lee Carter, right, and her husband, Hollis Johnson, kiss outside The Supreme Court of Canada on Friday morning in Ottawa. Canada’s highest court unanimousl­y struck down a ban on doctor-assisted suicide for mentally competent patients with terminal...

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