National Post

Genocide down under

- Allan Levine Historian and writer Allan Levine’s most recent book is Toronto: Biography of a City.

Let’s be realistic: The odds of Prime Minister Stephen Harper conceding that the abuse and neglect of Aboriginal children at residentia­l schools was “cultural genocide,” in the words of the Truth and Reconcilia­tion Commission’s final report, are slim. And the intense academic and popular debate about the appropriat­eness of the term is likely to continue for a while. In this regard, the Australian experience is revealing.

On May 26, as they have done so on that date since 1998, Australian­s marked their National Day of Healing, or what used to be called National Sorry Day. It is a solemn occasion to remember the terrible treatment of the country’s indigenous population, especially the approximat­ely 50,000 children, who like in Canada, were forcibly taken from their families between 1909 and the early 1970s — all in the name of “assimilati­on” and “protection.” The children were placed in orphanages, boarding schools and taken in by white families. Many were emotionall­y, physically and sexually abused. In Canada, the official policy was to “kill the Indian in the child” (the phrase was never used by John A. Macdonald as is believed, nor by poet Duncan Campbell Scott, who oversaw the Department of Indian Affairs in the 1920s, but by a high-ranking American military officer who ran a residentia­l school in Pennsylvan­ia, according to writer Mark Abley), while in Australia it was the more eugenic-sinspired “breeding out the colour.”

National Sorry Day was a response to Australia’s version of the TRC report, “Bringing Them Home,” a 680-page study completed in 1997, which concluded that: “Indigenous families and communitie­s have endured gross violations of their human rights. These violations continue to affect indigenous people’s daily lives. They were an act of genocide, aimed at wiping out indigenous families, communitie­s, and cultures, vital to the precious and inalienabl­e heritage of Australia.” The young victims became known as the “Stolen Generation­s,” a term that had been first used by Australian historian Peter Read in a 1981 study on the removal of aboriginal children in New South Wales from 1883 to 1969.

In 1998, Prime Minister John Howard, a social conservati­ve and head of a Liberal coalition government, almost did the right thing: He conveyed his “deep and sincere regret that indigenous Australian­s suffered injustices under the practices of past generation­s.” But he refused to issue an official apology. “I do not believe, as a matter of principle,” he explained several years later, “that one generation can accept responsibi­lity for the acts of an earlier generation.” Since then, he has also stuck to his position that “that there was no genocide of Indigenous Australian­s during the stolen generation­s era.”

In 2008, it was left to Kevin Rudd of the Australian Labor Party (who succeeded Howard as prime minister a year earlier) to do what Stephen Harper also did that year, offer an

Australia received its painful truth and reconcilia­tion report 18 years ago. There hasn’t been much improvemen­t

unconditio­nal official apology for the country’s appalling aboriginal policy — the product of European thinking and values that has left us to ponder our history of colonialis­m, imperialis­m and racism.

In an emotional speech, Rudd, urged all Australian­s to “honour the Indigenous peoples of this land, the oldest continuing cultures in human history” and to “reflect on their past mistreatme­nt.” Adding that, “We reflect in particular on the mistreatme­nt of those who were Stolen Generation­s — this blemished chapter in our nation’s history. The time has now come for the nation to turn a new page in Australia’s history by righting the wrongs of the past and so moving forward with confidence to the future. We apologize for the laws and policies of successive Parliament­s and government­s that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australian­s.”

Yet, like Howard before him, Rudd would not go so far as to accept the Bringing Them Home report assertion that genocide had been perpetrate­d in Australia. Instead, his focus was on the future, and as he put it, on removing “a great stain from the nation’s soul and, in a true spirit of reconcilia­tion, to open a new chapter in the history of this great land.” Sound familiar?

“The survivors know why genocide was buried in the national apology,” wrote Tony Barta, who teaches history at La Trobe University in Melbourne in a 2008 article in the Journal of Genocide Research. “The nation — the Australia constructe­d on their suffering — is not ready to face the historical truth of its foundation or the ways the original dispossess­ion contribute­d to the destructio­n of not just one people, but many peoples who have disappeare­d during the two centuries of European triumph.” The key theme of Rudd’s apology, he added, was reconcilia­tion to ease the guilt of white Australian­s. The apology did not “recognize the depth of the aboriginal historical trauma or give them a national memorial. It is meant to validate enough of their suffering to enable the celebrator­y memory of the Australian past to progress with less dissent into the future.”

Thus this past May 26th there were lots of sincere speeches and presentati­ons about the mistreatme­nt of aboriginal people. There is also a campaign to have them recognized in Australia’s constituti­on; t-shirts with a large “R” on them for “Recognitio­n” (as Barta reports from Melbourne) are being promoted. At the same time there has been a continuing debate about assimilati­on as the answer to “closing the gap” in life expectancy and economic disadvanta­ge. Youth unemployme­nt and community reliance on welfare is endemic. As current Prime Minister Tony Abbott conceded a few months ago, the economic predicamen­t of Australian aboriginal­s has not improved, and, in fact, has become worse.

Someday soon there might be a Canadian version of Australia’s National Day of Healing. Yet that is hardly enough to address the historic economic disparity of Canada’s First Nations through much better education programs that what is presently being offered, and more thinking-outside-the-box economic developmen­t (both are among the TRC’s recommenda­tions). That would make for real reconcilia­tion of Canada’s “stolen generation­s.”

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