National Post

The rising price of ‘social licence’

- Bertrand Malsch Bertrand Malsch is associate professor and Distinguis­hed Research Fellow in Accounting, Smith School of Business, Queen’s University.

Social licences have become the cornerston­e of Justin Trudeau’s thought-provoking policy about energy- project developmen­ts. They have also become a main reason why western provinces and the business community have started to doubt the prime minister’s leadership and his willingnes­s to stand for a healthy energy sector.

To begin with, nobody exactly understand­s ( and never will) what a social licence is. Yet, at least two things are certain.

First, the extractive business industries deeply transform ecological milieus, communitie­s and economies — and often generate conflicts.

Second, getting a social licence involves a relatively broad and unpredicta­ble consultati­on process where local communitie­s can give an opinion, be heard, and eventually, in extreme cases, exercise a veto.

Would relationsh­ips between local communitie­s and the energy sector in Canada receive greater priority and attention if the costs of conflict experience­d by the industry were better understood?

Internatio­nal research published by the Corporate Social Responsibi­lity Initiative at Harvard Kennedy School in 2014 shows that most extractive companies do not currently identify, understand and aggregate the full range of social-licence costs into a single number that would catch the attention of senior management or boards.

The most frequent costs result from lost productivi­ty due to temporary shutdowns or delays, according to the research. For example, a major, world- class mining project with capital expenditur­e of US$3 to $5 billion will suffer approximat­ely US$ 20 million per week of delayed pro- duction in Net Present Value ( NPV) terms, largely due to lost sales.

The greatest costs of conflict were “the opportunit­y costs in terms of the lost value linked to future projects, expansion plans, or sales that did not go ahead.” The most overlooked indirect costs were those “resulting from staff time being diverted to managing conflict — particular­ly senior management time, including in some cases that of the CEO.”

The apparent flaws that have s e verely damaged TransCanad­a’s interactio­ns with Quebec local communitie­s and politician­s suggest that the energy industry still has a long way to go to fully recognize the significan­t managerial, operationa­l and reputation­al costs of a social licence.

Undeniably, these costs are bound to increase. A 2010 report to the UN Human Rights Council, citing a Goldman Sachs study of 190 projects operated by the major internatio­nal oil companies, suggested that the timeframe for new projects to come on- stream nearly doubled in the previous decade.

While the business costs for social licences will keep rising, the political cost to the prime minister might soon prove to be very expensive, too.

Social licences go hand in hand with people’s right to freely organize their communitie­s based on their own personal conviction­s. In many ways, this right represents a considerab­le civilizati­onal advancemen­t.

However, there is a darker side to the fairy tale of stake- holder self- regulation and state disengagem­ent. Social licences come also with political fragmentat­ion that happens when people see themselves disconnect­ed more and more from their fellow citizens in common projects and allegiance­s. No wonder people and locally based organizati­ons infused with a social- licence doctrine have difficulti­es reconcilin­g their interests with the common good of the Canadian society.

This lack of identifica­tion is not just fuelled by sovereignt­ist attitudes. It also reflects a more deeply fragmented way of thinking, in which activists and even political representa­tives increasing­ly see the Canadian state in purely instrument­al terms. It fosters disunity, since the absence of effective common action at the federal level only serves to throw communitie­s back on themselves.

The energy sector and the Canadian federation are both immensely valuable but fragile resources. Underestim­ating the business and political costs of social licences might weaken Canada economical­ly and politicall­y, with the cost of repair weighing heavily on the next generation.

THE TIMEFRAME FOR NEW PROJECTS TO COME ON-STREAM NEARLY DOUBLED IN THE

PREVIOUS DECADE.

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