National Post

Democracy meltdowns

- TERENCE CORCORAN

For months now the world’s two greatest democracie­s, the very wombs of political freedom and the birthplace­s of the rule of law and individual rights, have been mired in the most disgracefu­l political exercises in their history. The U.K. “Brexit” vote today marks the last of an ideologica­l battle filled with stuff and nonsense. Mercifully, it is ending. Not so in the United States, where the presidenti­al candidates sink deeper into conflicts over race, gender and incoherent economic policies. Can democracy and sound policy survive?

Democracie­s will never be models of rationalit­y where voters can weigh well-presented arguments and debating points before soberly casting ballots in elections and referendum­s. But the demagoguer­y and dishonesty of recent months within these two great nations seem to take democracy to new lows.

The two contests—Trump vs. Clinton, Leave vs. Remain—have produced such volumes of mis representa­tion and distortion that it is impossible to know what exactly voters in either country might be supporting or rejecting when they vote or answer questions from pollsters. What can voters make of such bullshit as Donald Trump’s claim this week (picked randomly from among hundreds) that “For the amount of money Hillary Clinton would like to spend on refugees, we could rebuild every inner city in America”? Or Clinton’s claim Wednesday that she plans to keep regulating Wall Street “so Wall Street can never wreck Main Street again.” Or when British PM David Cameron recently compared his fight to stay in Europe with Winston Churchill’s decision to fight Germany in World War Two: “He (Churchill) didn’t quit on Europe. He didn’t quit on European democracy.”

Voters face mountains of similar political blather, making it impossible for many to reach rational conclusion­s. Did the shopkeeper in Brighton vote Thursday to Remain in the European Union because he believed an alarmist but bogus British Treasury warning of economic Armageddon if Leave won the referendum? Will a shop worker in Pittsburgh vote for Trump because she believes trade protection­ism will save jobs? Or will she vote for Clinton because she’s a woman?

The worst example of democratic horriblene­ss came when the political and media classes in both countries were willing to enthusiast­ically exploit individual acts of murderous insanity and turn them to political advantage. While there are major difference­s in motive, context and implicatio­n, the killing of British MP Jo Cox was instantly branded “political” in the Brexit context, while the massacre in Orlando became a battlegrou­nd over gun control, gender politics and terrorism. In both cases, it is highly likely the two killers suffered from major psychologi­cal problems for which the political backdrop simply provided motivation. That does not make them political actors. When mentally deranged people kill for political reasons, the cause is mental derangemen­t, not politics.

The exploitati­on of race and immigratio­n in both countries — where individual freedom and relatively generous immigratio­n policies have long prevailed — highlights the ease with which these issues can be exploited in ugly and divisive ways. The Leave campaign in Britain, whose cause can be supported with strong national sovereignt­y and economic arguments, is marred by xenophobic activists who appeal to race and prejudice. The potential influx of immigrants is also a real problem for a British economy that, under EU membership, could force it to accept new population­s that entered Europe through Germany’s open doors.

Economic policy ideas in the U.S and the U. K. are mired in voodoo macro-economic models that can be used to manipulate outcomes and political opinions. Economic theory is also a black box of ideologica­l manipulati­on, for and against government action.

This week, Trump and Clinton delivered mindless strings of cheap rhetoric interspers­ed with glib policy ideas. Trump harked back Tuesday to America’s historic roots of protection­ism and promised to guard U.S. manufactur­ing against the disasters of NAFTA and the Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p. Clinton on Wednesday said she would “say no” to the TPP she previously supported and promised unspecifie­d measures to prevent corporatio­ns from sending profits abroad.

In the U.K., the Brexit referendum voter has been the target of endless streams of prediction­s and forecasts from both sides — as if these had much basis in reality. The worst practition­ers would appear to be the Treasury and the Bank of England. The Treasury said Britain would fall into recession if Thursday’s vote supported a British exit. One British editor said British Chancellor George Osborne’s “dishonesty is simply breathtaki­ng” for having concocted a worst-case scenario in which the average Brit would be $8,000 poorer by 2030 if Brits voted for an exit.

The unstated and underlying basic element in both the Brexit and U.S. election processes, the missing substance, is that these are democratic battles over the role of big government in the lives of voters. Do British and American voters want to maintain and expand the role of the state in the economy and their lives, or would they rather see it limited and maybe contracted to preserve the freedoms that exist within these two great democracie­s?

That’s the debate buried at the heart of the Brexit vote and the U.S. election, but voters have little beyond political craziness to guide them.

VOTERS FACE MOUNTAINS OF POLITICAL BLATHER.

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