National Post

‘Weaponizat­ion’ of free speech prompts talk of new hate law

Press freedom advocate calls for tougher rules

- Jo seph Br ean

The climate for hate speech regulation in Canada appears to be shifting.

Traditiona­l free speech advocates are reconsider­ing the status quo they helped create, in which hate speech is only a Criminal Code charge that requires political approval, and so is rarely prosecuted. There is even talk of resurrecti­ng the defunct and much maligned ban on internet hate speech, Section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act.

The latest example was a lecture this week by Omar Mouallem, an Edmonton journalist and board member of press freedom group PEN Canada, in which he argued online racists have “weaponized” free speech against Muslims, and Canada should consider a new anti-hate law to stop them. Mouallem told a University of Alberta audience public discourse is “fatally flawed,” and overrun with hate propagandi­sts who traffic in lies and provocatio­ns in order to pose as censorship victims.

The far right has “co- opted” the issue of free speech, and their activism is not a principled defence of a Charter value, but “a sly political strategy to divide opponents on the left, humiliate them and cast them as hypocrites and unconstitu­tional, to clear a way for unconstitu­tional ideas,” Mouallem said in an advance email interview.

The traditiona­l liberal response of public censure and rebuttal is no longer effective because it just “devolves into a pissing match that goes nowhere and only makes people double down on their opinions,” he said.

“Given t hat Facebook groups and social media are the meeting point for hate groups to organize, and that online hate speech has a great ability to spread wider and faster, I think special regulation is worth considerin­g.”

It’s striking to hear that from a board member of PEN Canada, which is devoted to fighting censorship and defending freedom of expression, and was instrument­al in the legislativ­e repeal of Section 13, a law in the Canadian Human Rights Act that banned repeated messages, by phone or internet, that were “likely to expose” protected groups to hatred or contempt.

The lecture follows news that the federal Liberal government is openly mulling bringing back Section 13, which was repealed by Parliament in 2014, but later found by courts to be constituti­onally valid. It allowed for legal orders banning offenders from engaging in further hate speech, on pain of criminal contempt charges, and provided for fines of $10,000.

It also follows the backtracki­ng of another press freedom group, Canadian Journalist­s f or Free Expression, which launched a petition for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to “disinvite” U.S. President Donald Trump from a G7 Summit on the grounds that his administra­tion’s attacks on press freedom have harmed American democracy.

That petition was deleted soon after it was announced, amid criticism that it hypocritic­ally also violated the principles of free expression.

Even libraries have illustrate­d the shift. A memorial held in a Toronto library last year for Barbara Kulaszka, a prominent lawyer for Canadian hate propagandi­sts, led the Toronto Public Library to change its room- booking policy, allowing officials to refuse bookings that are “likely to promote, or would have the effect of promoting, discrimina­tion, contempt or hatred of any group.”

Tasleem Thawar, executive director of PEN Canada, said she encourages diverse perspectiv­es on the board.

There has been no change to the group’s official position “that an educated, thoughtful, and vibrantly expressive citizenry is the best defence against the spread of hateful ideologies,” she said.

“If the federal government were to propose a new law (against hate speech), we would certainly comment on the specifics and its possible effects,” she said. “However, PEN is also committed to dispelling hatreds, as stated in the PEN Internatio­nal Charter, including on the basis of identity markers like class, race, gender, and nationalit­y. And it is true that hateful, marginaliz­ing and even demonizing speech can chill the freedom of expression of the groups who are being subjected to such public bigotry.”

All this might be evidence that the culture war over Canada’s uniquely balanced approach to hate speech is set to flare up again. Old arguments are being repurposed to fit modern media. Laws that were written in the age of telephone hotlines and printed newspapers are being reconsider­ed in the context of Twitter, Facebook and Google.

As ever, religion — especially Islam — is at the core of the debate, according to Richard Moon, the University of Windsor law professor who authored an influentia­l 2008 report for the Canadian Human Rights Commission that urged it to stop regulating online hate via Section 13.

In his forthcomin­g book Putting Faith in Hate: When Religion is the Source or Target of Hate Speech, Moon describes the traditiona­l distinctio­n between speech that attacks a belief, which is typically protected by law, and speech that attacks a group, which can rise to the level of banned hate speech. He argues our understand­ing of religion complicate­s this distinctio­n, because religion is a personal commitment and a cultural identity. Hate speech, then, often works by falsely attributin­g an objectiona­ble belief to every member of a cultural group.

“Most contempora­ry antiMuslim speech takes this form, presenting Islam as a regressive and violent belief system that is incompatib­le with liberal democratic values. The implicatio­n is that those who identify as Muslims — those who hold such beliefs — are dangerous and should be treated accordingl­y. Beliefs that may be held by a fringe element in the tradition are falsely attributed to all Muslims,” Moon writes.

Mouallem, who does not identify as Muslim, is a former rapper, freelance writer and co- author of a book on the Fort McMurray wildfire. He said he doesn’t advocate the return of Section 13 exactly as it was. It often worked, he said, but is “too tainted.”

Section 13 was a “messy, if not farcical process,” he said, made more so by the “manipulati­on” of Richard Warman, the lawyer and former Canadian Human Rights Commission staffer who effectivel­y monopolize­d the law, filing nearly every case and eventually winning them all, sometimes after posing online as a neo- Nazi to gather evidence. It was also “misused,” he said, by Canadian Muslim leaders on the “wishy-washy” case of alleged anti- Islam hate speech in Maclean’s magazine.

But Canada should have some kind of “online clause” that addresses both the “uniqueness of online content” and this current historical moment in which there is “widespread vilificati­on” of Muslims and “rapid mobilizati­on of extremist groups.”

Now there are “flagrant” examples that would be caught by such a law, he said, such as Ezra Levant’s use of the term “rapefugees.”

The expression that “sunlight is the best disinfecta­nt,” meaning hate speech is best countered by more and better speech is “ineffectiv­e when you’re dealing with majority tyranny and certain discrimina­tion is widely accepted. This is the unique moment of hate speech in Canada and much of the ‘ West’ right now,” he said. “Society has made an exception for Islam.”

 ?? COLE BURSTON/ FOR THE NATIONAL POST ?? Police arrive to monitor a memorial for Barbara Kulaszka, a prominent lawyer for hate propagandi­sts, at a Toronto library last July. The event led to a new policy allowing the refusal of bookings for events likely to promote hate.
COLE BURSTON/ FOR THE NATIONAL POST Police arrive to monitor a memorial for Barbara Kulaszka, a prominent lawyer for hate propagandi­sts, at a Toronto library last July. The event led to a new policy allowing the refusal of bookings for events likely to promote hate.

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