National Post

COVID-19 can’t diminish Johnson

- Sean Speer

News this week that British Prime Minister Boris Johnson had been admitted to intensive care due to complicati­ons from COVID-19 was a stark reminder that the virus is indiscrimi­nate. Johnson’s frenetic prime ministersh­ip, including of course a decisive victory in last year’s elections, has often seemed to be marked by a combinatio­n of personal will and an elevated sense of history. That he found himself debilitate­d by the coronaviru­s is a sign that no one is impervious to its effects. Fortunatel­y, he left intensive care on Thursday evening, but remained under observatio­n in hospital.

There’s been a tendency in a lot of Western media to lump Johnson in with Donald Trump. They’ve both had unconventi­onal rises to their current positions, multiple wives, healthy doses of self- confidence, and large mops of blond hair. But the comparison­s basically end there. Johnson, unlike President Trump, is a genuine intellectu­al who is curious, capable and learned.

One of the clearest difference­s is how they approach conservati­sm as an intellectu­al and political project. Trump’s contributi­on to conservati­sm has been mostly about breaking crockery. He’s been much more interested in dismantlin­g conservati­ve precepts than building new ones. Johnson, by contrast, has sought to re-energize conservati­sm by revisiting some of its basic assumption­s and constructi­ng a conservati­ve agenda for the modern age.

Johnson’s conservati­sm hasn’t been a full repudiatio­n of Thatcheris­m and its commitment­s to markets and economic freedom. But it has involved a recognitio­n that in 2020 the challenges facing our societies are less about sclerotic government or excessive trade unionism and more about regional economic disparity and hyper competitio­n in the globalized economy.

The Johnson- led Conservati­ve party’s recent election manifesto therefore looked quite different than previous ones. Its appeal to the so-called “Workington man” — non- Conservati­ve, working- class males in England’s northern towns — was reflected not just in Brexit but also in major new infrastruc­ture spending, increased resources for the National Health Service, regional developmen­t initiative­s, and an ambitious role for government in basic research and innovation.

These deviations from conservati­ve orthodoxy certainly provoked criticism in libertaria­n circles. But the outcome was a massive election landslide fuelled in large part by major gains in long- held Labour ridings. It has been rightly interprete­d in no small part as an affirmatio­n of Johnson’s brand of “One Nation Conservati­sm.”

Fundamenta­l to his political agenda is a positive, forward-looking vision. This isn’t the “American carnage” of Trump’s first inaugural speech. Johnson’s conservati­sm is in the service of aspiration and dynamism. His ultimate goal is to “unleash Britain’s potential” rather than restore it to a nostalgic past.

This vision and message reflects another part of Johnson’s appeal: he’s a happy warrior. There’s a long list of accounts of his eccentrici­ties, humour and penchant for self- effacement. Some of this is no doubt a shtick that Johnson has carefully crafted since his university days as well- known writer and former classmate Andrew Sullivan has observed. But that doesn’t make his “blundering brilliance” any less charming or effective.

It’s these combinatio­ns of political insights and personalit­y traits that have arguably made Johnson the most interestin­g political leader in the Western world. It’s notable, for instance, that conservati­ves in Canada, the United States and elsewhere have increasing­ly come to see him as a model for conservati­ve leadership.

There are, in my view, three takeaways from the Johnsonian model.

The first is that conservati­sm isn’t just a static set of policy prescripti­ons that apply in every circumstan­ce. It’s a collection of insights and principles that must be dynamicall­y applied to new and emerging issues. Successful conservati­ve governance requires modernizin­g the conservati­ve policy agenda to reflect presentday challenges.

The second is that conservati­ves should be aspiration­al, confident, and forward looking. Conservati­ve parties can eke out election wins through wedge politics and negative campaignin­g. But big, realignmen­t elections occur when voters are affirmativ­ely drawn to conservati­ve ideas.

And the third is about authentici­ty. Johnson’s biggest appeal may be that he doesn’t sound like he’s following a focus group- tested script. Conservati­ves elsewhere should similarly drop the talking points and instead let people into what they actually think.

It was, incidental­ly, his tendency to post videos from his own phone that gave us a glimpse of the debilitati­ng effects of COVID-19. It was startling to see how it could sap the energy of someone so normally energetic. The subsequent outpouring of support from ordinary Britons has been significan­t and telling.

Boris Johnson’s political legacy has already been secured. His leading role in Brexit, decisive election victory, and efforts to renew the Conservati­ve party’s policy agenda will cement him as an early 21st- century builder. The coronaviru­s, no matter what, cannot take these things away from him.

 ?? Frank Augstein / Pool via REUTERS File ?? Britain’s Prime Minister Boris Johnson is arguably the most interestin­g political leader in the Western world, Sean Speer writes.
Frank Augstein / Pool via REUTERS File Britain’s Prime Minister Boris Johnson is arguably the most interestin­g political leader in the Western world, Sean Speer writes.

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