G7 powers must confront China together
China’s illegitimate detention of Michael Spavor and Michael Kovrig has put the limitations of Canada’s quiet diplomacy into stark focus. Nearly 700 days have passed since the two men, commonly referred to as the “two Michaels,” were arrested by Chinese agents, and neither one of them is any closer to regaining his freedom. Ottawa desperately needs a new strategy for dealing with Beijing’s hostage diplomacy, albeit one that stays true to Canada’s values and its faith in multilateralism.
The encouraging news, if there is any, is that Canada finds itself in relatively good company with its G7 partners, several of which have citizens who have also been held against their will by China. For that reason, the G7 may hold the answer not only to securing the release of the two Michaels, but also to the West’s collective response to Beijing’s belligerence.
Since its founding 45 years ago, the G7 has never quite lived up to its vaunted expectations. Despite representing more than half of the world’s wealth, the G7 has consistently failed to find a consensus on tackling some of the world’s most intractable economic problems. In the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, China was more than willing to fill the leadership void left by the G7’s indecisiveness. In championing China as the world’s factory, the G7 also allowed the country to become the world’s bully.
Yet global attitudes toward Beijing have changed markedly in recent months. In addition to China’s COVID-19 deceptions, startling information about mass human rights atrocities involving Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang province, as well as Beijing’s brutal crackdowns in Hong Kong and Tibet, have forced G7 leaders to speak out publicly about the Chinese government’s crimes, in some cases for the first time.
What’s more, Beijing’s unlawful efforts to locate and repatriate alleged fugitives, often referred to as Operation Fox Hunt, as well as its massive theft of intellectual property from Western firms, have laid bare the weaknesses in the very international organizations charged with policing such misconduct, namely the United Nations and the World Trade Organization ( WTO).
Despite its flaws, the G7 sits perfectly at the intersection of geoeconomics and Western values, which is why it should feature prominently in Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s plans to more aggressively confront China’s malign behaviour.
Following the presidential election in the United States, regardless of the outcome, Canada should request an urgent, virtual meeting of all G7 leaders to reach a consensus on how to deal with China’s blatant human rights violations and its illegal exit bans, which are being used to bar people from leaving the country, even those who have citizenship elsewhere.
Regarding the two Michaels, G7 leaders should demand, first in private and perhaps later in public, that Beijing transfer the two men from their prison cells to home confinement, which should allow for increased Canadian consular visits, in keeping with the Vienna convention. While far from a perfect solution, such a move would set the stage for continued negotiations, while also providing China with a face-saving opportunity.
Should China prove unwilling to engage, Canada’s next steps should include formally raising the case before the International Court of Justice ( ICJ). At the same time, other G7 members should request an ICJ advisory opinion on China’s atrocities in Xinjiang and Tibet. While China’s leadership has shown a propensity to disregard legal opinions with which it disagrees, such rulings can sometimes lead to broader international action, often to China’s detriment. If you have any doubts, look no further than the international community’s recent willingness to openly defy the Communist regime’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea.
Moving forward, G7 leaders must also work to neutralize China’s attempts to impose economic punishments on democratic countries that raise legitimate concerns about Beijing’s human rights record. These efforts could include co- ordinating market responses to help vulnerable countries, such as Australia, which have found themselves in Beijing’s line of fire. G7 leaders should also work together to identify mutually beneficial solutions to their supply chain dependence on China, as well as synchronize efforts to hold China accountable at other international organizations.
At the WTO, the G7 must put aside parochial interests to champion a new director general who can bring much- needed reform to the outdated institution. This includes giving the organization the ability, and the will, to crack down on China’s flagrant trade and labour violations, as well as its reliance on forced labour and illegal subsidies to prop up its state- owned enterprises. South Korean Trade Minister Yoo Myung- hee is the obvious choice for this position given her track record of engaging constructively with the Chinese government on other sensitive issues.
Lastly, G7 leaders should more aggressively confront the regime’s attempts to influence the citizens and policies of other countries. These influence operations typically include attempts to censor those who speak out about China’s human rights violations, disinformation campaigns intended to shape public perceptions about China and its weaponization of regulatory, legal and lobbying loopholes in other countries to advance its economic interests.
Canada certainly did not pick this fight, but lead it must. The fate of more than just the two Michaels hangs in the balance.
National Post Craig Singleton, a national security expert and former U. S. diplomat, is an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies ( FDD), where he also contributes to FDD’S Center on Military and Political Power. FDD is a Washington, D. C.- based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.