National Post

Canada goes it alone on taxing tech

- Joel Trenaman National Post Joel Trenaman is a Winnipeg-based freelance writer

REGARDING FOREIGN PLAYERS SUCH AS GOOGLE AND NETFLIX, IT’S VERY DIFFICULT TO TAX REVENUE THAT YOU CAN’T MEASURE. — JOEL TRENAMAN

Beneath the spending spree found in last week’s federal budget, there was at least one small attempt to offset those expenditur­es with some new revenue: a planned three per cent digital services tax that the government hopes to levy on billion-dollar tech companies. It could turn out to be a meaningful move to bring tax-avoidant internatio­nal tech conglomera­tes to heel, or an empty attempt at wringing some money out of nearly un-restrainab­le businesses that happen to be an easy target politicall­y. Based on the complex factors at play, I’d bet on the latter.

Budget 2021 pledged to ensure “that digital service providers pay their fair share of taxes,” which is apparently thought to be three per cent on “revenue from digital services that rely on data and content contributi­ons from Canadian users.”

The move goes handin-hand with one from the 2020 Fall Economic Statement, which said that the government would require non-resident vendors and online platform operators to collect GST/HST starting on July 1. After years of bad press and declining public trust resulting from issues like the spread of fake news, privacy scandals and shifted advertisin­g revenues that threaten the viability of local news, digital giants like Facebook, Google, Amazon and Netflix have become an acceptable mark for tax collectors.

The corporate tax plan has been discussed seriously since at least 2019, when both the Liberals and Conservati­ves promised a version of it during the election campaign and all of the major parties asked the Parliament­ary Budget Officer (PBO) to estimate the impact of their pledges. The current revenue estimates of $3.4 billion over five years are in the ballpark of those past analyses, but as the PBO concluded, “The estimate has high uncertaint­y, (which) derives primarily from the difficulty in accurately estimating the tax base.”

Canada will be hard pressed to overcome the many hurdles associated with taxing foreign players like Google and Netflix, as it’s very difficult to tax revenue that you can’t measure. Determinin­g what percentage of the revenues of companies come specifical­ly from Canada, when they don’t have an office base here, will be spotty at best.

When it comes to taxing multinatio­nal corporatio­ns, most countries tax their home-country operations and declared profits, but not those of their foreign subsidiari­es or affiliates. Therefore, this type of corporate tax on digital companies must be seen in the broader context of tracking and taxing corporate earnings, as companies increasing­ly look to take advantage of ever-evolving tax havens.

For example, Apple was one of many firms to take advantage of Ireland’s lowered corporate tax rate (12.5 per cent) and the “Double Irish” scheme, which allowed the company to eliminate tax on almost all of its non-american revenue. In 2015, Google created Alphabet, a holding company for itself, without any say or vote from its shareholde­rs, thanks to Delaware’s exceptiona­l corporatio­n law, which also confers many tax advantages.

Many industry analysts say the main solution to these issues is to set a unified global taxation standard for Big Tech, or for all multinatio­nal corporatio­ns. Canada’s Liberal government previously stated that it would only implement digital sales taxes as part of a multilater­al consensus, but now simply says that such a solution would be preferable. Canada continues to participat­e in OECD discussion­s led by the European Union, but no agreement has come to fruition after years of recommenda­tions and talks. So was it finally time to go it alone?

The budget’s proposed tax scheme is nearly identical to a tax adopted by France (also three per cent) that has had a bumpy debut. The French government pulled in roughly 400 million euros in 2019, but following trade threats made by the United States, France suspended the tax to facilitate good-faith negotiatio­ns at the OECD. It was reinstated last November, after the Trump administra­tion withdrew from the talks.

The proven revenue stream and the lack of new U.S. retaliator­y tariffs seem to have given the Liberals the confidence to implement their own unilateral tax, but it’s unlikely that they would choose a rate or a regime that’s wildly different from what’s on the global negotiatin­g table. In the budget, the Liberals even copied the French corporate revenue threshold and currency — “750 million euros or more” — without even changing it to a Canadian dollar value.

Renewed regulatory interest from our neighbours is key, as antitrust court battles in the U.S. are now being waged against Facebook and Google by federal agencies and nearly every state, and the Internal Revenue Service sued Facebook for US$9 billion ($11 billion) in unpaid taxes after its own shift to Ireland. The Biden administra­tion has recommitte­d to multilater­al negotiatio­ns in general, including the fledgling OECD process on digital services, and has been talking about a global minimum corporate tax rate.

In theory, it’s better policy to reach agreement on an internatio­nal structure, but if that actually happens, it’s bound to be watered down and unresponsi­ve to individual country goals and conditions. After all, how would such a scheme stop a NON-OECD country from becoming another perfect tax haven? Alternativ­ely, other countries besides Canada could continue to follow the European lead with individual structures, and thus mitigate the long-term risks of a trade war with U.S. protection­ists. Either approach seems set to carve off only a tiny tax slice of Big Tech’s oligopoly. But I’d say that’s better than nothing.

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