National Post

The energy transition is transition­ing to energy security

- HENRY GERAEDTS Henry Geraedts worked in venture capital internatio­nally. His PH.D. is in internatio­nal political economy with an interest in strategic aspects of energy and technology.

What a difference a year makes. Last year’s COP26 message of green energy as a panacea for climate risk has been replaced by a global shift prioritizi­ng energy security and putting hydrocarbo­ns back to front and centre. Absentee leaders from COP27 include: India, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia and even Canada. Meanwhile European and U.S. politician­s seem incapable of recognizin­g the new normal.

The world is caught in a new energy crisis, triggered by Europe’s renewables’ failure in late 2021 and amplified by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Runaway natural gas prices have disrupted internatio­nal supply chains from Asia to North America and now threaten Europe’s industrial base, including key green industries.

The crisis has revealed surprising global hydrocarbo­n demand, in particular an accelerati­ng transition to coal. But the shift to energy security also includes growing government and private-sector commitment­s to nuclear power, particular­ly “small nuclear reactor” technology, on an accelerate­d schedule.

The Internatio­nal Energy Agency projects a 50 per cent increase in global energy demand by 2050, while OPEC recently increased its global oil forecast for 2030 from 100 to 108 million barrels a day, with its market share expanding because of politicall­y constraine­d Canadian and U.S. production.

Demand growth throughout the Indo-pacific and Africa, homes to 85 per cent of the world’s population, anchors hydrocarbo­ns as the indispensa­ble, dominant energy source well beyond 2050. Globally, one billion tons/year of new coal mine capacity is under developmen­t and over 1,000 state-ofthe-art coal-fired electricit­y plants are at various stages from planning to completion.

Coal demand across the EU is up 25 per cent since late last year. Germany is accessing dormant domestic resources but in 2023 will become the third-largest importer of Indonesian coal after China and India. Coal is currently keeping the lights on as Europe seeks access to LNG and expands its nuclear infrastruc­ture. European environmen­talists and green politician­s are quite correct in saying these developmen­ts represent 30- to 40-year commitment­s to hydrocarbo­ns as a core energy source. But fewer people seem bothered by that than would have been just a year ago.

The Obama, Biden and Trudeau government­s have generally followed Europe’s green lead, stimulatin­g renewables with subsidies and tax breaks while systematic­ally hobbling hydrocarbo­n exploratio­n and production, including pipelines and refining infrastruc­ture.

More recently however, these green policies have run into legal and political roadblocks. In the U.S., federal and state regulatory quagmires, ironically often the result of decades of environmen­talist lobbying, are making the build-out of the green energy economy difficult, if not impossible. Green visions of interstate power lines networked to link wind and solar farms to the grid or new mines and processing plants to counter China’s strangleho­ld on the minerals indispensa­ble for batteries today belong in the realm of wishful thinking.

The attorneys-general of nearly 20 U.S. states have put big financial institutio­ns on notice that in adopting “environmen­tal, social and governance” (ESG) investment criteria to structure their portfolios they are running afoul of their fiduciary obligation­s to investors to maximize returns. It turns out there is a trade-off between prioritizi­ng eco justice and earning a high return on investment. Legal firms have in turn advised their financial clients that pursuing ESG’S green energy component needs to be anchored in the best available science — the subtext being that the UN’S IPCC climate reports likely won’t stand up in court. It’s telling that at recent legislativ­e hearings in the U.S. and U.K. these firms’ CEOS have since expressed their firms’ strong commitment to providing financing to hydrocarbo­n industries.

UN Special Envoy Mark Carney’s COP26 initiative, the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ), has also run into legal difficulti­es. Carney structured this coalition of wealth managers, banks and insurance firms representi­ng $130 trillion in assets to tackle climate change by redirectin­g internatio­nal financing away from hydrocarbo­ns in favour of the green energy economy. But leading Wall Street asset-managers, banks and other key institutio­ns have recently backed away from the initiative, following legal advice concerning U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) requiremen­ts for formal climate risk disclosure­s covering governance and risk management. Fiduciary obligation­s, yet again!

Canada is a world leader in hydro and nuclear, with 70 per cent of our electricit­y coming from these sources. We also have the third largest oil reserves and are a leading source of LNG. But it’s also true that the bulk of Eastern Canada and British Columbia’s gasoline and diesel comes from OPEC countries. We have so far escaped Europe’s and America’s rising energy costs, but the world’s rapid shift to energy security is leading to persistent hydrocarbo­n price pressures, and our luck is unlikely to hold. This winter’s prices of natural gas, gasoline and in particular diesel will tell us.

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