National Post (National Edition)

Dangerous path

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If the road to ruin is paved with good intentions, a number of well-meaning but misguided government and court decisions have put the Senate on a road to somewhere forbidding indeed.

Unrestrain­ed senators now hold even government confidence bills hostage, like the federal budget bill. It’s ironic that this is what came of the Harper Conservati­ves’ popular and laudable promise to reform or abolish the Senate. The Conservati­ves (to their detriment) sought the Supreme Court’s opinion, specifical­ly on whether Ottawa or the provinces could hold consultati­ve processes to make senatorial appointmen­ts more democratic.

The court’s opinion came as a highly disappoint­ing shock. Without exaggerati­on, it likely condemned Canadians to living with an undemocrat­ic but powerful institutio­n for the next 150 years, if not longer.

The court said Ottawa wasn’t authorized to unilateral­ly introduce consultati­ve elections because this would give senators a mandate inconsiste­nt with the Senate’s role as a “complement­ary legislativ­e chamber of sober second thought.”

Understand­ably, Harper abandoned his ambitions.

Justin Trudeau’s Liberals thought to renew the tarnished institutio­n by dumping Liberal senators from their caucus and institutin­g a more inclusive selection process for supposedly “independen­t” senators. Unshackled from the burdens of party allegiance, senators are now reimaginin­g their role. As former Conservati­ve senator Stephen Greene noted in these pages, senators are recognizin­g “the Senate as a whole has a responsibi­lity to act as a check — or be the opposition, if you will — to the partisan excesses of a government that has a majority in the House.”

The change might offer some benefits. The House has increasing­ly come under the thumb of the executive in passing decades, becoming an impoverish­ed version of the chamber it’s meant to be. Parliament­ary committees fail to give bills the scrutiny they deserve because the PMO controls who sits on committees. Spending decisions are also automatica­lly green-lit if committees fail to review them. The Senate can serve as a last line of meaningful review. But there is no longer any consensus on where the Senate’s powers end. Senators can (and seem increasing­ly inclined to) delay, amend or block bills — a dangerous usurpation of the powers of the people’s elected representa­tives.

Every attempt to preserve the best of the Senate has backfired. Harper’s reform attempts produced a constituti­onal death sentence for any reform attempts. The Supreme Court wished to prevent an unaccounta­ble, unelected Senate from overpoweri­ng the House, but now it can do just that. Trudeau aimed to restore credibilit­y to a tarnished institutio­n, but we now have new reasons to distrust it. The prime minister is the only one who can reverse the latest missteps, by rethinking his own mistaken attempts at reform. Returning the Senate to where it was a couple of years ago is hardly a fix, but putting the upper chamber back in its place is better than letting it continue down the path it’s on now.

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