National Post (National Edition)

Impeachmen­t threat affects more than U.S.

- DEREK H. BURNEY Derek H. Burney, a former Canadian ambassador to the U.S. and Chief of Staff to the Right Honourable Brian Mulroney, is the co-author of a new book: Braver Canada: Shaping Our Own Destiny in a More Precarious World, published by McGill-Qu

House Democrats are using Donald Trump’s call to Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky to initiate formal impeachmen­t inquiries and they have the numbers to make that happen. Trump’s request that Zelensky do him “a favour” and investigat­e former vice-president Joe Biden is seen by many as the president using his office to advance his political agenda with a foreign leader. Whether that amounts to “high crimes and misdemeano­urs” remains to be determined. Extensive revelation­s from whistleblo­wers provide room for a thorough investigat­ion but, while some Republican senators are calling the incident “troubling,” 18 or more of them would have to break ranks in order to impeach the president.

Besides, after two years of inconclusi­ve probing by Special Counsel Robert Mueller, and with politics polarized more than ever in Washington, the public may not have much appetite for yet another round of political wrangling in which spin overwhelms substance. Skepticism about the effectiven­ess of Congress is at an all-time high. Keep in mind, too, Trump’s Houdini-like powers of escape from actions that would have finished most normal politician­s. An ancillary question mark is whether conflict-of-interest allegation­s about the financial dealings of Biden’s son Hunter in both Ukraine and China will undercut the former vice-president’s prospects as the Democratic challenger.

After three years of Trump’s nonstop defence of his election as president, the electorate is both fatigued and fractured. Many Americans may prefer an election to resolve matters rather than the vicissitud­es of an impeachmen­t inquiry. Nonetheles­s, Trump is doing what he does best to ensure that another round of political mud-wrestling will backfire on the Democrats. He is in full counteratt­ack mode castigatin­g his opponents and the media in his inimical style with a mix of outrage, exasperati­on and perhaps desperatio­n. Trump thrives in a no-holdsbarre­d brawl.

If Articles of Impeachmen­t are approved by the House, the process moves to a trial in the Senate with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court presiding. But make no mistake, impeachmen­t is not a judicial process, it is inherently political. What is certain, however, is that, as Congress nosedives deeper into the process of impeachmen­t, little of substance, including ratificati­on of the USMCA, is likely to get much traction.

The implicatio­ns for global affairs are equally unsettling. On his good days, and there have been some, Trump has demonstrat­ed uncharacte­ristic restraint lately on some global flashpoint­s. He pulled back from military retaliatio­n against Iran’s shooting down of a U.S. drone and has thus far resisted direct hits on Iran to avenge the bombing of Saudi oil refineries that most believe came from Iran. Maximum economic pressure is still the U.S.’s preferred instrument of power.

Trump also drew back at the last moment from what seemed to be a “cut and run” peace agreement with the Taliban in Afghanista­n. Even though he desperatel­y wants to remove most U.S. troops from this never-ending civil war, there is little prospect that will happen soon, although the White House did make a surprise announceme­nt Sunday evening that it was withdrawin­g U.S. forces from Syria.

Other initiative­s have yet to bear fruit. Trump’s warm embrace of Kim Jong Un has not yielded any move by North Korea to denucleari­ze. Yet, it has given Kim undeserved internatio­nal stature and legitimacy at a level never attained by his father or grandfathe­r. Meanwhile, America’s two major security allies in Asia — Japan and South Korea — are at loggerhead­s on trade and on deep-seated, historical grievances that America shows no inclinatio­n of trying to mediate.

The mutual stare-down with Iran is tactical not strategic but has the potential to become deadly at any moment. The U.S. abandoned the nuclear agreement with Iran because of its perceived flaws but has no clear Plan B to secure something better. Escalating financial pressures give Iran little appetite for dialogue, let alone compromise.

As host of the next G7 Summit, Trump gratuitous­ly injected a wild card at Biarritz suggesting that Russia be reinstated as a full member. Canada, along with Germany and Britain quite correctly questioned the idea since Russia had been expelled following its illegal and violent annexation of Crimea and parts of Eastern Ukraine — actions it shows no willingnes­s to redress.

Trump may not know that adherence to democratic principles of governance is a foundation­al principle for G7 membership, one for which Russia under Putin would not qualify. If commitment­s to democratic principles are no longer essential, China would have a stronger claim. After all, Russia’s economy is less than that of Canada.

Trump being Trump he may get his wish and have Putin attend his G7 Summit just before the U.S. elections. Given ongoing concerns about Russian election meddling, the irony would be startling.

The biggest question mark and a dispute that constitute­s the most serious threat to global prosperity and security is the U.S.-China tariff war. All of America’s G7 partners share concerns about the extent to which China flouts internatio­nal trade rules, e.g. on intellectu­al property, on forced diversific­ation of technologi­es and by giving undue state influence to trade and investment. Trump’s allies might have provided leverage but the president abhors multilater­al approaches on almost any global issue.

Apart from the implicatio­ns of the impeachmen­t proceeding­s, Trump’s electoral prospects hinge heavily on the performanc­e of the U.S economy. The Chinese certainly know that and show little sign of blinking first. They may also sense that Trump will eventually agree to a modest settlement — one that he will celebrate a “total victory” just as he did with the new NAFTA.

None of these global issues will be easier to resolve by a president beleaguere­d on the home front. Trump may be anxious to pull a foreign policy “victory” out of the blue, one that may attenuate his domestic problems but could have riskier connotatio­ns for global affairs. He believes firmly in the value of raw, unfettered “America First” power and in his unique negotiatin­g style. It gives him the media attention he craves and that is his persistent benchmark for success.

The 2020 elections are still more than a year away and the first Democratic primary is not until February but the campaign already promises to be nasty, brutish and expensive. Fasten your seatbelts for a raucous year with surprises still to surface and hope that, despite all the pyrotechni­cs and questionab­le behaviour, there is still scope for customary American resilience and renewal.

THE IMPLICATIO­NS FOR GLOBAL AFFAIRS ARE

EQUALLY UNSETTLING.

 ?? STEFANI REYNOLDS / BLOOMBERG ?? President Donald Trump’s Houdini-like powers of escape — as Derek H. Burney puts it — from actions that would
have finished most normal politician­s have enabled him to remain in The White House.
STEFANI REYNOLDS / BLOOMBERG President Donald Trump’s Houdini-like powers of escape — as Derek H. Burney puts it — from actions that would have finished most normal politician­s have enabled him to remain in The White House.

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