National Post (National Edition)

Biden to focus on enforcemen­t of existing pacts

Multilater­alism after years of Trump tariffs

- ERIC MARTIN

U.S. President Joe Biden's administra­tion is setting up its trade policy to prioritize enforcemen­t of existing commitment­s by the U.S.'s partners over negotiatin­g more deals to open new export markets.

Biden's likely strategy for supporting American producers focuses on going after violations via dialogue, work with allies and use of dispute-resolution mechanisms in existing trade agreements rather than following the Trump administra­tion's more blunt unilateral tool of national-security tariffs, according to industry veterans familiar with his incoming team. That could leave existing free-trade talks with the U.K. and Kenya in limbo for the foreseeabl­e future.

Biden has signalled he won't immediatel­y remove duties inherited from Trump, who enthusiast­ically dubbed himself “Tariff Man” for levying duties to pressure China, the European Union and even Mexico and Canada to address perceived injustices affecting American workers.

Whether and how soon he might remove the tariffs, and what he would seek in return, are open questions. But his approach to enforcemen­t is likely to focus on negotiatio­n, mediation and multilater­al action rather than unilateral moves — more of a surgical than sledgehamm­er strategy.

Biden's starting point may be the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement that went into force in July, replacing the North American Free Trade Agreement. Katherine Tai, Biden's nominee for U.S. Trade Representa­tive, was instrument­al in negotiatin­g the deal's labour provisions. The AFL-CIO, the U.S.'s largest labour union and a traditiona­l Democratic ally, has been promising since September to bring the first complaint over conditions in Mexico.

“We should expect action under the labour provisions of the USMCA pretty quickly,” said Jamieson Greer, a partner in the internatio­nal trade practice at King & Spalding in Washington who served as chief of staff to Trump's USTR, Robert Lighthizer. The new administra­tion “is going to want to bring a case that's really targeted to a specific facility in Mexico that's as close to a slam-dunk case as you can get.”

The AFL-CIO and Democrats made strong labour rules and enforcemen­t mechanisms for Mexico a key demand to win their support for the USMCA in 2019, concerned that the pact it was replacing lacked both. Cathy Feingold, the AFL-CIO's internatio­nal department director, said she hopes the union will be a petitioner in a labour complaint under the USMCA within the first 100 days of Biden's presidency after COVID-19 and other factors complicate­d the process of documentin­g alleged ongoing labour violations in Mexico last year.

U.S. labour unions have long complained that Mexican factories under NAFTA denied workers' rights in order to keep down salaries and unfairly undercut America on cost. The AFL-CIO has highlighte­d cases of alleged harassment, like the example of Susana Prieto Terrazas, an independen­t trade-union lawyer in Mexico who was jailed in the northern state of Tamaulipas last June after working to organize employees at an auto-parts plant.

The USMCA went into effect in mid-2020. In November, Representa­tive Richard Neal, a Massachuse­tts Democrat and chairman of the House Ways and Means committee, criticized the Trump administra­tion for a lack of enforcemen­t action. He cited union leaders and labour lawyers in Mexico facing violence, saying workers were being denied their basic rights on a daily basis.

Under the USMCA's provisions, any member of the public in the U.S. can submit a petition alleging denial of rights at a facility in Mexico. An inter-agency U.S. committee then reviews to see if there's sufficient, credible evidence. If there is, the committee then requests that Mexico conduct its own probe. While there are a number of steps focused on remedying any violation, the U.S. ultimately can rescind duty-free treatment on products from a particular facility or even block imports altogether for repeated violations.

Tai is awaiting a hearing from the Senate finance committee that needs to confirm her. In a speech last month, she mentioned the USMCA's “groundbrea­king labour and environmen­t provisions” and promised to work to make sure the deal “lives up to its potential.” Both Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and Commerce Secretary nominee Gina Raimondo in their hearings discussed enforcemen­t with regard to another top U.S. trade partner — China.

Tai was the chief lawyer for House Democrats seeking to strengthen the USMCA's labour provisions after the deal was initially reached between Trump with Mexico and Canada in 2018.

Tai has also learned from the examples of past U.S. failures, Feingold said. That includes Guatemala, where the first-ever labour complaint filed under a free-trade deal was brought by the AFL-CIO and local unions in 2008 over the nation's failure to ensure the right to organize and acceptable working conditions. The case dragged out for almost a decade, ending with an arbitratio­n panel deciding that the evidence failed to prove Guatemala's behaviour was “sustained or recurring” and “in a manner affecting trade.”

In the USMCA, Democrats negotiated to ensure that violations in Mexico would be assumed to affect investment unless proven otherwise, and the need to show “sustained or recurring” violation doesn't apply to workplace violence.

Tai “has a vision for what went wrong in the past,” Feingold said. “She was key to building that model of swift and effective enforcemen­t.”

 ?? ROB GURDEBEKE / THE CANADIAN PRESS FILES ?? The U.S. approach to trade enforcemen­t under the Biden administra­tion is likely to focus on negotiatio­n, mediation and multilater­al action rather than unilateral moves — more of a surgical than sledgehamm­er strategy, analysts say.
ROB GURDEBEKE / THE CANADIAN PRESS FILES The U.S. approach to trade enforcemen­t under the Biden administra­tion is likely to focus on negotiatio­n, mediation and multilater­al action rather than unilateral moves — more of a surgical than sledgehamm­er strategy, analysts say.

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