National Post (National Edition)

Pastor's arrest a constituti­onal abnormalit­y

- KRISTOPHER KINSINGER Kristopher Kinsinger is an Ontario lawyer and LLM student at McGill University's Faculty of Law. The views expressed here are his own.

Has it really come to this? A clergyman has been jailed because he refuses to refrain from doing what our constituti­on would protect in virtually any other circumstan­ce: preaching and ministerin­g to the full assembly of his church. It's hard to overstate how constituti­onally abnormal this situation is.

To wit, Pastor James Coates of the GraceLife Church of Edmonton was arrested on Feb. 16 after turning himself in to the RCMP. Coates was charged for failing to follow public health guidelines for places of worship and for violating a previous undertakin­g that he would do so. While originally expected to be released following a bail hearing, Coates did not agree to the Crown's conditions and so remains in custody at a provincial remand centre. Coates intends to challenge these conditions in an appeal. If he's unsuccessf­ul, he'll likely remain in custody until his trial in early May.

Contrary to what some have claimed, Coates has not been forbidden from preaching. Rather, the main condition of his release was that he and his church abide by the multiple orders they have received to follow the guidelines for places of worship. These same policies have also been imposed on Alberta retailers.

Coates thus remains free to preach and to minister to his congregati­on at applicable capacity limits. According to his lawyer, however, Coates disputes that he consented to this undertakin­g and, in any event, cannot agree to these conditions since he is conscience-bound to hold religious assemblies free of capacity restrictio­ns.

GraceLife's stance has put the Alberta government (to say nothing of the courts) in an unenviable position. It would be one thing if their claim was merely that the strict 15 per cent capacity on religious services in Alberta is more constituti­onally restrictiv­e than it needs to be. There's merit to this argument. After all, other provinces (such as Ontario) currently allow for religious gatherings with capacities as high as 30 per cent to take place.

It's clear, however, that Coates and his church will accept nothing less than a full revocation of all COVID-19 restrictio­ns on religious assemblies: no face coverings, physical distancing or capacity limits. Regardless of whether we accept the necessity of such measures — and it's worth noting that many Christian pastors and theologian­s disagree in good faith on this issue — there's little point in suggesting that these policies are going away any time before the summer, at the earliest.

Yet we shouldn't just dismiss Coates as a fundamenta­list receiving his due. There is nothing normal about his arrest, and it's unsettling that this was the Crown's chosen method of enforcemen­t, rather than, say, merely issuing fines against his church.

But there's another, more fundamenta­l reason that Coates's arrest is so disconcert­ing. Within Canada's constituti­onal architectu­re, religion is not merely a service to be deemed essential or non-essential as a matter of policy: it is, at its core, a public good. Our Charter of Rights and Freedoms affirms this through the twin guarantees of religious freedom and religious equality. Both of these protection­s are reinforced by the principle that the state, as much as it can, must remain neutral toward matters of religion.

The past year has tested the limits of this principle. So far, none of the restrictio­ns that have been imposed on religious gatherings in Canada have actually targeted the content of worship, per se. Preachers can continue to preach the same messages that they did prior to the pandemic. But there's no denying that these policies have profoundly restricted the extent to which religious communitie­s are able to exercise their faith in community with one another.

That said, the Charter expressly allows for limitation­s to be placed on these freedoms where doing so is demonstrab­ly justifiabl­e. As I wrote in these pages last month, it's reasonable for government­s to require religious assemblies to follow empirical guidelines to limit the spread of COVID-19,

COATES HAS NOT BEEN FORBIDDEN

FROM PREACHING.

even if this means issuing fines against places of worship that don't comply. Yet these restrictio­ns, as I also explained, must be constituti­onally justified on the basis of non-speculativ­e evidence.

The burden that pandemic restrictio­ns impose on religious communitie­s must be constantly weighed against the health and welfare of the broader community. This balancing is an exercise in proportion­ality. Even if such measures are currently justified, this won't be the case forever. The hope is that these policies will succeed in reducing the long-term transmissi­on of COVID-19. There are encouragin­g signs that this may already be taking place, even as public health leaders warn that we shouldn't become complacent.

But make no mistake, the constituti­onal cost of restrictin­g peaceful assemblies — religious or otherwise — will eventually outweigh the relative public benefit. This is not a question of if but when.

Coates' ordeal is a sobering reminder of just how drastic these policies are. As a pastor, he's willing to endure imprisonme­nt in the fight to allow his church to meet together again as a whole body. None of us should take any joy in the fact that things have gone this far. For the sake of the public good, let's hope that the constituti­onal balance shifts back in Coates's favour sooner rather than later.

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