Ottawa Citizen

50% + 1 ≠ democracy

Democracy is part of a complex web of values. We cannot simply pick and choose the piece that pleases us and ignore the parts that are inconvenie­nt, writes BRIAN LEE CROWLEY.

- Brian Lee Crowley is managing director of the Macdonald-laurier Institute, an independen­t non-partisan public policy think-tank in Ottawa: macdonaldl­aurier.ca.

A broad consensus is needed to change the game, writes Brian Lee Crowley,

Paris was said to be worth a mass, but it is always distressin­g to discover how many people think Canada isn’t worth more than a handful of votes. Both the Bloc Québécois and the NDP are busy advertisin­g how cheap they hold their country’s integrity and future. The BQ, for whom secession is the raison d’être, may perhaps be forgiven for returning to the charge with another bill to set the bar on achieving Quebec independen­ce as low as possible, and abolishing the Clarity Act into the bargain.

The NDP, however, is another matter. This party has frequently stood four square behind Canada in the face of the separatist threat, and its courageous past leaders, such as David Lewis, Ed Broadbent and Alexa McDonough, spoke out passionate­ly for Canada. Yet today the heirs of this proud tradition stand in the Commons and, without blushing, say that a majority of one vote in a referendum should be enough to set Quebec on the path of separation from Canada.

The frail reed on which the argument hangs is always that to set the bar for separation any higher is to betray Canada’s commitment to democracy itself.

But as the Supreme Court wisely remarked when asked to rule on the legality of Quebec separation, democracy is part of a complex web of values. We cannot simply pick and choose the piece that pleases us (simple majority voting) and ignore the parts that are inconvenie­nt (like obeying the law, respecting the Constituti­on and protecting minority rights).

The Supreme Court found, not a constituti­onal right to secede, but a right for a province to put its case for secession to its partners in Confederat­ion if that province met certain conditions. First on the list: a clear majority answering yes to a clear question on secession.

As others have pointed out, if the judges meant a “simple majority,” they just had to say so. They didn’t. They said a “clear majority.” It doesn’t require a Jesuitical mind to find that the legal requiremen­t must therefore be something more than just 50 per cent plus one.

Nor is there anything anti-democratic in the court’s rule. People who think otherwise are confusing two very different kinds of rules.

Some democratic decisions are made with a lot less than 50 per cent plus one. Some of them are very important, such as elections. As everybody knows, you can win elections in Canada with a lot less than half the vote.

But there is a reason for that: somebody has to govern, and the least objectiona­ble way to pick who should rule is to choose the party acceptable to the largest number of people. The fact that a majority of people may be opposed to the winner is irrelevant.

But the fact that we accept that outcome, that we might be governed by a party supported by only a minority of the population, is itself dependent on a bunch of other fundamenta­l rules of fairness. For example, that all qualified citizens get a vote, that the decisions government­s can make are subject to protection­s for minority rights, that government­s are answerable before independen­t courts for their behaviour, and that Ottawa can do things that provinces can’t and vice versa.

These things are so fundamenta­l to fairness and legitimacy that we don’t permit mere government­s or even electoral majorities to change them on their own. We require big majorities before we allow these “rules of the game” to be altered. In the case of amendments to the Constituti­on, for example, most of them require the agreement of Parliament plus at least seven of the 10 provinces representi­ng a majority of the population. That is a triple majority: a majority in Parliament and among the population and a two-thirds majority among the provinces. And some changes require all the provinces to agree.

The government of Canada could hold a referendum to get approval to change the Constituti­on and they could get 90 per cent of the population to vote yes and nothing would happen unless the change was approved by Parliament and two thirds of the legislatur­es representi­ng a majority of the population. That’s not anti-democratic. It is the essence of democracy that fundamenta­l rules require special procedures and broad consent to be changed.

That is what the Supreme Court meant when it said a clear majority of Quebecers needed to vote yes to a clear question before the rest of the country must sit down and discuss secession. Even after negotiatin­g, both sides would have to ratify a constituti­onal amendment to effect secession. And those negotiatio­ns would have to consider the rights of minorities like aboriginal people, and those who voted not to leave Canada.

The logic behind this is impeccable and, like it or not, it’s impeccably democratic too.

 ?? LYNN BALL/OTTAWA CITIZEN ?? ‘No’ forces rally in Montreal during the 1995 Quebec referendum campaign.
LYNN BALL/OTTAWA CITIZEN ‘No’ forces rally in Montreal during the 1995 Quebec referendum campaign.
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